This issue focuses on the confrontation between Russia and the West over Ukraine and the Middle East/West Asia region, which has become much more evident since the journal went to print, with the US-Israel-Turkiye- backed offensive of jihadist terrorists in North-West Syria, against Russian and Hezbollah opposition alongside Syria. However, the lead article is about the crisis precipitated by the lame-duck Biden administration after Harris was defeated by Trump in the US presidential election in October. The ‘permission’ given by the Biden administration to the Ukrainian regime to fire British Storm Shadow and US ATTACMS mid-range cruise missiles into Russia is a major escalation towards WWIII. Because these missiles cannot be fired and programmed by Ukrainians – they do not have the satellites and technical infrastructure to do this. These are Western missiles programmed and aimed by the West. Meaning that Russia is now being bombed directly by NATO imperialism.
The response by Russia in unveiling the mid-range hypersonic Oreshnik missile is analysed, which appears for now to have stymied the Biden administration. Along with Trump’s victory, which appears to be two-pronged – a degree of popular support due to his rhetorical isolationism over Ukraine, combined with the collapse of the Democratic Party vote being driven by the inflation and hardship to the working class inflicted by anti-Russian sanctions over Ukraine. The statement notes the danger of WWIII, and the difference between this confrontation and previous world cataclysms. Such a war would not be inter-imperialist, but rather a war of the imperialist US hegemon and its client imperialists against an alliance centrally of the Global South, encompassing two remaining smaller deformed workers states (Cuba and North Korea) and centrally led by two giant ex-workers states, Russia and China, whose form of restored capitalism has a massive proletarian deformation derived from their previous many decades of post-capitalist economic and military development.
The issue contains a fine article by Mark Andresen that expands on the reasons for Trump’s victory in the disillusionment of the working class, not only with liberalism, but also palpably with its right-wing opponents, and the opportunities that this gives to communists. And there is a signed article by Ian Donovan which contains a preliminary analysis of the dangers from the Assisted Dying Bill, which in our view involves a serious threat to the sick and the disabled – an even more sinister dimension to the austerity attack since 2010.
But also in this issue is part two of the LCFI’s letter to the International Communist League (Fourth Internationalist). This focuses on another facet of their problematic legacy from the politics of their founder James Robertson – their support for Brexit – that is, the exit of British imperialism from the European Union, and their belief that the working class has some kind of interest in this. We note that there are some positive elements to the political shift that they underwent a few years ago, before the death of Robertson. A grouping of ICL comrades centred in Quebec rose rapidly in the declining ICL though a project to address the national question regarding French-speaking Quebec in mainly English-speaking Canada, and then extending their approach to some of the smaller, multinational states in Europe – such as Spain and France regarding Catalonia and the Basque Country, Corsica, Belgium regarding the Flemish and Walloons, and also Scotland. These are all situations where there is either clear national oppression, or in Belgium a kind of forced unity of two language groups in the same imperialist state. Scotland was also a major part of imperial Britain, not a colony as was Ireland, but there is still a historically evolved national question with elements of oppression which must be addressed. But the New Spartacists mix this up with Robertson’s belief that British separatism from the EU was progressive. We cite Trotsky’s 1923 Essay on The United States of Europe and also Joseph Seymour’s 1977 article On Bourgeois Class Consciousness which both point to the reactionary and nationalist fundamental nature of the imperialist bourgeoisie, and its division of Europe in particularly, as something that Marxists are bound to oppose.
The letter deals with the New Sparts’ errors over Covid, which led to them somewhat amazingly arguing against lockdowns virtually as a principle, including in China (which they consider to be a workers’ state), even when no vaccines were available, and then for compulsory vaccinations. A strange combination, which seems to have been a by-product of severe disorientation of the tendency after the death of their historic leader and then faced with the Covid pandemic. The organisation collapsed during that period, though the Quebecois trend that shifted the ICL on the national question, took up this strange approach to Covid and became the core of the new leadership. It does appear to have been a confused bridge to a better, orthodox Marxist understanding on some other key questions though, such as the Anti-Imperialist United Front and Permanent Revolution.
We also address their failures in the Corbyn period, to fully engage and do entry work in the Labour Party during that crucial period of leftward shift in Labour. We counterpose our record of principled and somewhat high profile entry work in Socialist Fight, to the Sparts abstentionism. We are sharply critical of some of the discussions that went on and still go on today among their people, where they confuse the leftward movement represented by Corbynism in its first few years, at least up to the 2017 General Election, with their schemes about how Brexit was supposedly something that the workers movement was obliged to support. This is how, when the class struggle was being waged at a surprisingly high political level in the Labour Party during this period, the Sparts were embroiled in sterile internal debates about how it was unprincipled to support Corbyn because he didn’t support Brexit, and even ended up themselves publishing material about Brexit that they, not we, condemned as amounting to ‘political support’ to Boris Johnson’s Tories. A terrible muddle of political errors, which our letter attempts to bring some clarity to.
The next issue of Communist Fight will include the final part of this letter, which addresses the ‘Russian Question’ today – the nature of Russia and China after the 1989-91 Counterrevolutions – the reason for the continuing conflicts between these giant former workers states and world imperialism, and the contradictions and shortcomings of the New Spartacists over Ukraine today.
This issue therefore contains much of considerable importance to socialists and all class-conscious working-class people.