Worker-Controlled Indexation of ALL Wages, Benefits and Pensions! (Leaflet for TUC demonstration)

RMT contingent on 18 June TUC cost of living march

This is the Communist Fight leaflet that was distributed on the TUC demo this afternoon.

Demand FULL COMPENSATION for Inflation!

NATO’s Nazi-Loving Sanctions and Tory Thievery Are Hammering us — ZERO TOLERANCE!!

Working-class people are being crucified by profiteer-engineered inflation with parasites pocketing the loot. Sanctions against Russia, part of the proxy war that the Biden administration initiated, with support from the Tories and New Labour, have massively increased the problem. These neoliberal plunderers engineered a coup in Ukraine in 2014 to bring to power Ukrainian Nazis and their political servants, who for eight years massacred and brutalised the nearly half of Ukrainians who speak Russian. Eventually in 2022 Russia sent its troops into the South and East of Ukraine to protect its people.

Western-funded Azov Nazis captured in Mariupol

Now they are demanding that WE PAY for their fascistic war. Instead of using relatively cheap Russian oil and particularly gas, we pay US suppliers who search for new sources of oil and gas, though we should be phasing it out to move towards non-hydrocarbon energy and save ourselves and our children from the disastrous consequences of climate change.

They demand that we pay triple our fuel bills, £2 a litre for petrol or diesel (and rising), and a massive hike in the price of basic foodstuffs driven by the same hikes in transport costs. Food shortages have been exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. How come? For one thing, it has now been established, but not reported by the billionaire press, that NATO client Ukraine mined ports in the Black Sea, where grain and other food-stuffs are exported. In other words, it’s
the West’s allies causing food shortages, part of punishing Russia for defending itself against 30 years of NATO expansion, and 8 years of ethnic war and terrorism against Russian-speakers in the Donbass. Ukraine is the only country in Europe that has openly Nazi regiments in its forces – like the Azov Regiment.

We should have no truck with this, nor make ‘sacrifices’ for it. The Western media is full of lies, fake stories about Russian soldiers raping babies, and other lies invented by Western-backed Nazi propagandists. Russians are targeted for racism: those politicians who say ‘keep politics out of sport’ when anyone complains about racism and Israel, or the old South Africa, are banning academics, athletes, musicians, dead cosmonauts, and books by dead authors, for being Russian. And they expect us to ‘sacrifice’ – freeze or starve (or both!) – for their Nazi-loving war effort.

Even before Ukraine, there was a surge of inflation, fuelled by Brexit tariffs and the mountains of money filched by Tory privateers. Johnson repeatedly sabotaged public health measures that should have protected us against Covid, partying at our expense while tens of thousands died of neglect. He handed billions to his mates in corrupt contracts. leaving us with one of the worst death rates in the world.

We should demand full indexation of everyone’s wages, pensions and benefits, which should rise directly in line with RPI, under control of committee of trade unionists and other workers, claimants, pensioners, etc. If it takes a general strike to get that, so be it. Instead of mouthing platitudes, union leaders should be initiating grass roots campaigns all over the country. They should use militant methods of struggle – strikes to catch up pay and benefits with inflation, disruption of roads and transport until they pay up, mass-based defence guards to resist bailiffs, brutal police and fascists, our own tradespeople to reconnect people who have been cut off from energy supplies, etc. All union leaders and politicians like the wretched Labour Party, who claim to speak for us should be put on the spot and challenged to lead mass actions to stop these attacks: or get out of the way to make way for others that will.

100 days of Russian resistance in Ukraine against historic NATO offensive

The first hundred days since Russia launched its military operations in Ukraine have shown two things. First, it is clear that the US and its allies hoped to use the war to destroy Russia’s ability to defend itself against imperialism. The second is that imperialism’s plans to defeat Russia ran into big problems. Russia is clearly winning the war in the East. The surrender of Mariupol, an 80% Russian/Russian-speaking city that saw horrendous massacres in 2015 and then years of occupation by the Nazis Azov, is a major victory for Russia and the people of Donbass.

The Russian army, with its allies from the People’s Republics of Donetsk and Lugansk, is on a widespread advance west of Donetsk and Lugansk, and in the process of taking Sievierdonetsk, with smaller towns and villages nearby, encircling large numbers of Ukrainian troops. Entire battalions are surrendering and refusing to fight. Zelensky is trying to pass a law authorizing Ukrainian officers to summarily execute such soldiers.

Once the East is consolidated, the main military objective must be Odessa, another mainly Russian-speaking city, which suffered terrible massacres – the May 2014 Trade Union House massacre, where 42 died and many more were wounded. Odessa is occupied by Nazi detachments as brutal and sinister as those in Mariupol. If Odessa is liberated, that would make Ukraine landlocked and would be a strong incentive to sue for peace. Along with joining up with neighboring Transnistria, which is also targeted by NATO.

The war drive plunged Western economies into chaos. Financial and energy sanctions against Russia have considerable effects around the world, exacerbating inflation and even food shortages. This is putting enormous pressure on workers; the “cost of living” crisis that imperialism created caused enormous discontent and suffering.

Russia is the world’s leading gas producer. Western Europe needs its gas, as do many other countries. Russian insistence on payment in rubles by “hostile” countries blunted sanctions; it recovered, and the ruble is now the best performing currency worldwide. Which threatens the US with a run on the dollar and its collapse as a reserve currency. Germany, Italy and France have struggled with US sanctions. The blunting of sanctions is massively helped by the Eurasian economic bloc with China, Iran, etc., centered on the China-led “One Belt One Road” infrastructure project.

Russia must be supported in its war against imperialism!

When Russia launched its special military operation in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, it created a dividing line between Marxists who quickly accommodated themselves to the imperialist war drive against Russia and those who recognized that the events in Ukraine were part of the long term agenda of Western imperialism to subordinate Russia and open up its resources for exploitation. The attempts to expand NATO eastward, including into Ukraine, are part of the US war plans to position advanced weaponry, including nuclear weapons, close enough to Russia so that it can launch a pre-emptive nuclear strike and “win” a nuclear war. It poses an existential threat to Russia and its working class

Some of the groups that stood against the war impulse began to organize. A “Marxists Speak” event was held denouncing the war. Groups and individuals from North and South America, Oceania, South Asia, East and Southeast Asia, Africa and Europe fought for this perspective around the May Day declaration and contingents.

The links between the struggle against imperialism and fascism were highlighted at a May 14 event to commemorate the USSR’s Victory over Nazism Day. Those who engage in these initiatives are, as the Bolshevik Group of South Korea observed, “the most courageous and revolutionary parts of the world proletarian movement”.

This happened during the most acute war hysteria at the beginning of the war. The defeats that imperialism and its proxies have already suffered, along with the economic consequences, have somewhat dissipated the Russophobic hysteria that initially cowed many in the labor movement. It is now noticeable that even a layer of formerly left-wing social democratic militants see the case for defeating imperialism and defending Russia and Donbass. This raises the need for all these forces to organize themselves politically, on an internationalist and revolutionary basis, to fight to overcome these threats to the future of humanity.

LCFI Statement: Capitalist Murder in the Amazon

Dom Phillips and Bruno Periera

The disappearance and probable murder of British journalist and conservationist Dom Philipps, and indigenist Bruno Araujo Periera in the Amazon is yet another barbaric manifestation of the brutal despoilation and destruction of ecology and essential natural resources by today’s decadent imperialist capitalism, and the ruthless way that the profit-gouging bourgeoisies deal with anyone who gets in their way.

Dom Philipps is a freelance journalist, though at the time of his disappearance he was working for the London Guardian as well as researching in the Amazon rainforest for a book, apparently to be titled How to save the Amazon. He was also working on an investigation into illegal mining, possibly for a story in the Guardian. They point out he is a longtime contributor of theirs who has also worked for the Washington Post, New York Times, and Financial Times.  

Bruno Periera is an official (though on leave)  of Brazil’s Indigenous Affairs agency, a previous adviser for the Union of Indigenous Peoples of the Javari Valley (UNIJAVA). In the Javari Valley is where the largest concentration of indigenous peoples live in voluntary isolation on the planet. Periera is one of Brazil’s foremost experts on indigenous peoples. In fact, UNIJAVA stated that it considered Periera “the greatest authority in the country” in working with isolated peoples in the region. (https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2022/06/10/bolsonaro-e-presidente-da-funai-atacam-credibilidade-de-indigenista-desaparecido-na-amazonia).

There are several actors in this conflict, but it should be divided into two blocks: On the one hand, large, medium and small extractive capital, Bolsonaro and the leadership of FUNAI – Fundação Nacional do Índio (National Indian Foundation), a state body directed by Bolsonaro’s agents. On the other hand, there are Indians and their organizations, indigenists and FUNAI state workers who are associated with INA, an NGO-union of Associated Indigenists.

This scandalous murder caused some embarrassment to Brazil’s far right president, Jair Bolsonaro, on the eve of the ‘Summit of the Americas’ in Los Angeles, and he had to appear to be interested in solving the case, in making his forces be perceived as investigating the disappearances properly. He doesn’t seem to have really managed that.

The Guardian justifiably complained in its Editorial (8 June) that:

“…overall the response from the Brazilian authorities has been at best sluggish and underwhelming. A helicopter – essential in searching such a vast area – was not employed until Tuesday morning. A criminal investigation was not opened until later that day. Only a handful of troops appear to be involved in the search, in a region with plentiful military resources. This minimal response is wholly inadequate. Human Rights Watch, the Observatory for the Human Rights of Isolated and Recent Contact Indigenous Peoples and many others have been pressing from the start for swift and committed action by the Brazilian government. A full search-and-rescue operation is needed, with real backing at the national level.

Unfortunately, the president, Jair Bolsonaro, has shown little interest in an appropriate response. Worse still, having taken two days to address the disappearance, he appeared to blame the men: ‘Quite frankly, two people in just one boat, in that kind of region, absolutely wild, is an adventure that isn’t recommendable for anyone. Anything might happen. It could have been an accident. They could have been executed,’ he said.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jun/08/the-guardian-view-on-an-amazon-disappearance-find-dom-phillips-and-bruno-pereira

Everyone knows Bolsonaro doesn’t give a damn about such things, and actively supports illegal mining, logging, fishing and poaching interests in what is supposed to be one of the world’s most crucial conservation zones. Commercial interests involved in these are those almost certainly responsible for the killings of Philipps and Periera. The state forces now say they have found ‘human remains’, and one person they have arrested, a fisherman who had threatened Philipps and Periera in front of witnesses, apparently had blood in his boat. This may be so, it may be false, and it may be that it is with the broad complicity of the federal government which encourages predatory extractive capital and demonizes indigenous people, indigenists, and ecologists. Certainly Periera has been slandered by Bolsonaro ally Marcelo Xavier, the president of FUNAI, who falsely claimed that Periera’s excursion with Phillips was in some way ‘unauthorised’.

Brazil Indiengous Protest in London

In fact, as neo-Nazi ruler of Brazil, Bolsonaro is the current and best represents the political interests of those who executed Pereira, Philipps and many others as the leader of the rubber workers, Chico Mendes, and sister Dorothy Stang. Bolsonaro’s Brazil has become the “fourth country that kills the most environmental activists in the world. Most of these murders are concentrated in the Northern region, according to a report by the global witness organization. The murder rate of indigenous people increased by 21.6% in 10 years, while homicides in general fell.” (Folha de São Paulo, June 11, 2022).

Bolsonaro, Biden and Imperialism

It is no doubt creditable for the Guardian to publish Dom Phillips’ material, but this is massively outweighed by the Guardian’s own support for imperialism, which puts it the camp of Bolsonaro. Indeed, its desperate appeals to imperialist politicians to save these victims have a surreal aspect to them:

“The government is highly unlikely to change course without international pressure. That must first be brought to bear to produce an adequate response to this disappearance. John Kerry, the US climate envoy, has said he will look into the case. The shadow foreign secretary, David Lammy, has already urged action. Liz Truss, the foreign secretary, should press the Brazilian government to scale up search efforts, as a matter of urgency. Too much time has been lost already. No more must be squandered.”

ibid

It is surreal not least because of the Guardian’s apologias for Biden as an imperialist politician – one of the worst – which makes him an ally of Bolsonaro in any case.  The Guardian supports Biden’s proxy war in Ukraine, and his sanctions against Russia, the logical corollary of which, with its boycotts of Russia’s considerable oil and gas products, is a massive drive to expand oil and gas production under the control of the United States. The US is once again promoting economic wars over oil and gas as a weapon in its drive for ‘full spectrum dominance’ over the peoples of the world, a drive that the Guardian fully supports, as its hysterical retailing of the worst lying, Russophobic propaganda in history since the beginning of geopolitics as a science created in Britain (geopolitics is born aiming for control of Eurasia), as clearly has been practiced in current proxy war.

The Guardian is among those promoting illusions in Biden, as a supposed defender of the environment, against the likes of Bolsonaro. But though it may be creditable to publish articles by people like Dom Philipps criticizing Bolsonaro’s crimes, the fact is that their wonderful Joe Biden chose to meet with Bolsonaro in this summit, and chose to exclude Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua from attendance, for one straightforward reason – those three governments are not subservient to US imperialism. This is a manifestation of the same imperialist project, of punishment of those who disobey US imperialism, and rewarding its allies and lackeys, that is to the forefront in the war drive against Russia and China.

The Cuban workers state, as well as the bourgeois regimes cursed by imperialism in Nicaragua and Venezuela, who choose to ally with Russia and China to safeguard their own national independence from US domination, are punished in fundamentally the same way Russia and China are being punished. Or at least that’s the idea – the ‘punishment’ of Russia seems to have backfired. The idea that Liz Truss, foreign secretary in the most belligerent of Biden’s allies in the Ukraine, driven by the self-serving interests of an openly corrupt governmental clique around Johnson, would care two hoots about this, is cretinous in the extreme.

Bolsonaro gives open expression to capitalism’s most barbaric tendencies, which if not overthrown internationally will bury human civilisation and much else besides. However, Bolsonaro is not alone, he was brought to power as part of an imperialist offensive of financial capital against the working class in Brazil and its political influence by US imperialism, and specifically funded by a wing of the US bourgeoisie that is openly hostile to projects to counteract global heating and an end of the use of fossil fuels, etc. Furthermore, whatever secondary divisions the various bourgeois factions have, they will unite against any challenge to imperialist or capitalist domination anywhere in the world. Thus, Bolsonaro was welcomed in Los Angeles when Cuba etc. were anathema.

We Need a Class Programme to save the Amazon

Amazon deforestation

Bolsonaro’s genocidal programme towards indigenous peoples in the Amazon basin is a major threat to world ecology and thus to the future of humanity. His ruinous rule during the pandemic left 90 million workers underemployed and unemployed, in a country where only 12% of the workforce is unionised. But Bolsonaro is only a client, in power by virtue of the crusade against the workers and peasants of South America by US imperialism. This epitomises some serious objective barriers to the advance of the proletariat that can be overcome only by an independent class programme.

Obviously, the preservation of crucial assets for the survival of human civilisation, such as the Amazon, is a worldwide class issue for the global proletariat. National solutions to these problems are utopian if not reactionary and this again underlines why our programme must be broadened out from the national to the international and indeed global plane. There is a desperate need to accelerate the conversion of industry from fossil fuels and the likes to renewables, possibly through the intermediate use of sources of nuclear energy in some forms. This is done recklessly under the world dominance of imperialist lucrative anarchy, as Chernobyl demonstrated (in a degenerate workers’ state under intense imperialist pressure) and Fukushima and other sequels that we may not even know of.  All these things, from disaster relief to the migration of parts of the world proletariat to safer locations to rapid technological change, pose the necessity for workers control and independent organs of workers power, such as soviets, to oversee and force the changes necessary to ensure human survival. Therefore, we are now uncompromisingly against imperialist attempts to “internationalize” the Amazon, that is, to make it a direct dependence on imperialism.

Concretely, humanity and the preservation of nature that humanity needs to live depends on the class consciousness of the working class and its allies among other oppressed groups, peasants, indigenous peoples, etc., the construction of a new world party of the socialist revolution.

Ukraine: Motion to Socialist Labour Network (first submitted 9 May)

The following motion was submitted to the Socialist Labour Network on 9th May, duly proposed and seconded. It was not discussed at the SLN’s national online membership meeting on 27 May, because that meeting had been earmarked for an extensive discussion on the Cost of Living Crisis and how to resist it. Which is fair enough.

But SLN has an incorrect policy on the Ukraine war, calling for the withdrawal of Russian troops in the face of NATO expansionists funding Nazi terror against Russian speakers in the predominantly Russian and Russophone East and South of Ukraine. This incorrect position was pushed through at very short notice at a Members Meeting in 8th April, and was starkly contradicted at a public meeting of SLN on Ukraine on 22nd April, when there were four speakers. Three of the four, David Miller, Tony Greenstein, and Resist’s Chris Wiliamson, argued correctly that Russian forces in the predominantly Russian-inhabited and/or Russia-speaking parts of Ukraine (see map above) are defending the democratic rights and existence of that population against an imperialist-backed genocidal assault from the Ukrainian nationalist far right. This is obviously true, and means that the SLN at present has an incorrect and unprincipled position that does not defend that oppressed population against this genocidal attack from NATO and the Ukrainian far right.

It is essential to correct SLN policy on Ukraine. Since this motion was submitted on 9th May, there can be no valid reason why it should not be discussed at the next All-Members Meeting.

Motion on the Russia-Ukraine-NATO military conflict

  1. The root cause of the current military conflict is the 30-year drive to expand NATO in breach of public undertakings, by such politicians as then US Secretary of State James Baker, at the time of the dissolution of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact, that NATO would not expand ‘one inch’ eastwards from the Elbe. Since then, NATO has expanded to include 10 former Eastern Bloc countries, and the threat to include Ukraine and Georgia, along with hoped-for nuclear weapons and actual bioweapon sites in Ukraine, is regarded as an existential threat by the Russian government and most Russians.
  2. The 2014 Maidan Coup in Ukraine led by violent far rightists on the ground, guided and funded with billions of dollars by US politicians and intelligence agencies, installed an effective US puppet government in Kiev. Since the coup this government has not only been a proxy of the US, as the US now openly admits, but has violently suppressed leftists, ethnic Russians, and other minorities. It has introduced a draconian language law that mandates the use of Ukrainian in all official and public contexts, including in the large areas of Eastern Ukraine where Russian is the main language used by the population. This is clear national-linguistic oppression.
  3. The repression provoked a bloody civil war in Ukraine as residents of the Donbass established the Peoples Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk to defend themselves from the violently Russophobic Kiev regime and its fascist military forces. Other sections of the Russian and Russian-speaking population of Ukraine outside the Donbass such as Odessa and Mariupol, who also resisted this, were subjected to massacres and atrocities.
  4. Russia’s military action in the current war amounted to an intervention in the pre-existing Ukrainian civil war to prevent the destruction and elimination of the Russian and Russophone Ukrainian population by the far-right Ukrainian regime. As this civil war has proceeded there have been numerous organised beatings and murders by Ukrainian far right nationalists of civilians for not speaking ‘proper’ Russian.
  5. Although Russia has been a capitalist state since 1991 it is not an imperialist power. Imperialism is more than when one state employs military force against another. Imperialism is a stage of capitalism represented by the dominance of finance capital. Russia is not part of the ‘imperialist club’ but a relatively backward, dependent capitalist economy. Its exceptional powerful military was inherited from the non-capitalist USSR, including nuclear forces that were developed for defence against the US. In 1945 the US used nuclear weapons against Japan, which was already seeking to surrender, to intimidate the USSR as the opening shot of the Cold War.
  6. NATO and the US deliberately provoked this conflict over decades. Russia intervened on 24 February to defend the population of Eastern Ukraine from a massive offensive by Kiev that began on 16 Feb. Both in the run up to the Russian action, and especially afterward, the entire population of the West have been subjected to a racist, anti-Russian hate campaign and militaristic propaganda that has not been seen since 1914. Lies about Russian ‘atrocities’ have been brazenly fabricated when in fact evidence points to systematic atrocities against Russo-Ukrainian civilians being committed by NATO-funded Ukrainian Nazis.
  7. Foul racism against Russians has become Western state policy. Bans on sporting and cultural figures, the works of long-dead Russian figures like Dostoyevsky and Tchaikovsky, and even deceased Cosmonauts, are examples of the most disgusting racism, comparable to the Nazis’ bans against Jewish artistic and cultural figures in the lead up to the Nazi holocaust. This has been accompanied by fantasising in the Western media about the possibility of the US ‘winning’ a nuclear war.
  8. In the face of this we as socialists must declare our solidarity with the oppressed Russo-Ukrainian population of the Donbass and defend their right to defend themselves against NATO’s far right, racist, warmongering campaign by whatever means are at hand, including by working with the Russian armed forces. Russia also has the right to defend itself against the Western project of dismembering it and plundering it for its natural resources.
  9. We should oppose the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops without securing full national inviolability of Russian/Russophone East Ukraine as a deceitful ‘anti-war’ demand that does not actually oppose war but lays the basis for a slaughter and/or mass expulsion of Russo-Ukrainians, which may resemble that of the Palestinians. We also note that anyone who seeks a genuinely independent existence for Ukraine proper will not achieve this as a puppet of NATO and the US.

Proposed: Ian Donovan

Seconded: Mick Arter/James Hall

The Australian election: the working class moves leftward under conditions of crisis.

by Davey Heller

On May 21st, a Federal election was held in Australia resulting in a crushing defeat for the far right Prime Minister Scott Morrison and the Liberal Party and returning the Australian Labor Party(ALP) to office for the first time in nine years. The election showed that despite appearances, including the anti-vax rallies and the best efforts of the bourgeois press, the working class has shifted to the left rather than the right during the last two years of crisis. The election delivered a severe blow to the project of consolidating far right politics through electoral processes. The Liberal Party is hopelessly split due to the ruling class divisions over climate change. It has effectively lost its base in the upper middle classes of the cities. The far-right minor party  vote largely did not eventuate  None of this is an endorsement of the ALP whose election is only a distorted reflection of this class dynamic.

The collapse of the Liberal  Party vote must be viewed in the context of efforts of a section of the ruling class, led by the Murdoch press,  to turn the party into Australia’s very own “MAGA-lite” party of militarism, nationalism and social reaction. This involved the purging of the more centrist elements of the party, a process which culminated in the 2018 Parliamentary coup which installed the far-right Pentecostal Christian Morrison. This was part of the international capitalist trend to attempt to move bourgeois democracy to the right towards authoritarian or even fascist rule in response to the deepening capitalist economic crisis.

Although part of an international trend the shift to the right of Australian politics arose also out of internal tensions amongst the ruling class on how to respond to climate change, the US war drive against China and how to best suppress the working class industrially.

The fissure over climate change however dominated this election. What the media refers to as the “Climate wars” is really an inter-ruling class struggle between the renewable energy and coal lobbies to advance their own profit interests.

 Australia is the second largest coal exporting nation. Scott Morrison in 2017 in a Trumpian stunt brandished a piece of coal in Parliament symbolising he was the champion of the coal lobby. However, a different section of the ruling class, closely connected to a powerful sector of finance capital is salivating at the prospects of the profits from renewable power and the web of offsets and other market mechanisms which offer the false promise of “greening” capitalism.

Scott Morrison holding a lump of coal in Parliament 2017

Each of these factions had their very own oligarch pumping money into the election. The coal lobby had the repulsive figure of Clive Palmer, a coal billionaire who pumped $100 million dollars into his personal political project the “United Australia Party (UAP)”. He sought to repeat the trick of 2019 of funnelling the far right “anti-establishment” vote back behind the ruling Liberal/National Coalition. Australia has a compulsory preferential voting system that means a person can vote for example for the United Australia Party as their first or primary vote but if their first choice does not win, their vote flows to whoever they preference after that. In 2019 enough preference votes from UAP and other far right candidates flowed back to the Liberal Party to push them to a narrow victory.

The renewable energy lobby oligarch was Simon Holmes a’ Court, the son of Australia’s first billionaire.  A’ Court poured seven million dollars into a movement to elect the so-called “Teal” candidates. Although running as independents, the Teal candidates were effectively rebranded centrist Liberals from the upper middle classes who campaigned largely on platforms of tackling climate change.

The election was held in the shadow of a recent history of climate related natural disasters. Large chunks of the east coast of Australia literally burnt in the bushfires of the Black Summer of 2020. In the months before the election much of the east coast was repeatedly subjected to deluges of biblical proportions.

The Teal independents took crucial seats from the Liberal Party in some of the most affluent areas of Melbourne, Sydney and Perth. One defeated the sitting Treasurer. They became more than a climate protest vote but a way for the upper middle class to push back against the Liberal Party’s increasingly reactionary stance on social issues such as treatment of indigenous Australians, feminism and transgender rights. Similar middle class “progressive” concerns saw the Greens pick up four new seats in Brisbane, taking them from both Labor and Liberals. This result is of enormous significance as it means that the push towards a “MAGA-lite” version of the Liberal Party has effectively cleaved off their traditional base of support amongst the affluent most educated areas of the major cities.

In contrast the $100 million investment from the coal baron Clive Palmer in his United Australia Party failed almost completely in its aims. The election saw surprising results like an indigenous Socialist Alliance candidate outpolling the United Australia Party in a far north Queensland electorate! Despite plastering “Freedom” slogans across billboards, newspapers and the internet, the party largely failed to turn its anti-public measures based campaign into votes.

One of the many billboards paid for by Clive Palmer

In fact the backlash against the Liberal Party in West Australia and Victoria indicated that there was deep hostility to the way the Federal Liberal Party had sought to undermine the (now abandoned) public health measures of the states. Whilst the ALP state Premiers MacGowan and Andrews have now joined the “let it rip” brigade, for the first 18 months of the pandemic the Federal Liberals tried to turn these two Premiers into the personification of “dictatorial” public health measures. Despite the banner headlines and the anger from the mobilised far right “freedom” mobs, the election showed that the supposed implacable hatred of public health measures was not deeply felt in the electorate.

Anti-vaccine and lockdown protest in Melbourne in 2021

The failure of the far right parties to pick up votes went beyond the UAP. Pauline Hanson and her “One Nation Party” who have been given free publicity by the bourgeois press to promote hatred of minorities for almost thirty years was almost beaten in her efforts to get into the Upper House (Senate) by the Legalise Cannabis Party!

The section of the ruling class who is seeking to foster far right rule as a response to the growing economic crisis and drive to imperialist world war will need to either redouble efforts to build such a movement outside Parliament or try to salvage the Liberal Party for the project.

Whilst the election was a disaster for the Liberal Party, the leftward trajectory of the electorate did not result in a swing to the ALP. This is not a surprise given their right-wing campaign which did not offer any significant concessions to the working class. In fact the Labor Party’s primary vote dropped slightly from the last election and they received little over thirty percent of the vote. It is only because they did better than the Liberals in so many seats on preferences that they won enough seats to form government. The combined primary vote for the Labor and Liberal Party was at an all-time historic low this election. It is clear that the dominance of the two-party system in Australia is breaking down after being a bedrock of bourgeois rule for over a hundred years.

New ALP Prime Minister Anthony Albanese far left at the QUAD meeting soon after he was sworn

The ownership of the Australian press is concentrated in the hands of a small number of companies including right wing oligarchs like Kerry Stokes and Rupert Murdoch. The slanted coverage in the bourgeois press throughout the election indicated that most of the ruling class favoured a return of the Morrison Government over the ALP. This is not because there was any doubt about the commitment of the pro-business Labor Party to either austerity or the US war drive but because it was felt that a far-right Liberal Government would be better placed to handle the inevitable working class backlash to this agenda. Even during the election campaign the issue of inflation and the cost of living came to prominence with the inflation rate hitting 5.1 percent, interest rates increasing, the price of petrol skyrocketing and housing continuing to be unaffordable. The risk for the ruling class is that the ALP and the trade union bureaucrats will be unsuccessful in keeping a lid on demands of workers as they increasingly enter industrial struggles. The response of the bourgeois press to the election has been decidedly muted which reflects the confusion in their ranks about how to respond to the changed electoral landscape.

Anthony Albanese is now the 8th Australian Prime Minister in 15 years. Instability in government has been a product of splits in the ruling class over how to best control workers (smash unions or coopt them them through the bureaucracy), climate change (coal versus renewable) and China (how to trade with China whilst supporting the US war drive).

It is unlikely that the Albanese government will be able to handle any of these tensions successfully. Despite his protestations in a time of economic crisis it is not possible to increase wages AND profits. It is not possible to maintain the profits of the fossil fuel industry AND transition rapidly to renewable energy. And is not possible to balance a war with your major trading partner without causing chaos!

The contradiction between Australia’s trade relationship with China and its security alliance with the US has led US Imperialism and its agents to help foster two recent Parliamentary coups. In 2010, ALP Prime Minister Kevin Rudd was removed by his own party and replaced by Julia Gillard just prior to the announcement of the Pivot to Asia by Obama from the floor of the Australian Parliament. Although all factions of the Australian ruling class support the US alliance, Rudd represented the faction who wished to accommodate China’s rise in the Pacific in some limited form. As Wikileaks revealed, the senior ALP figures behind Rudd’s removal were effectively assets of the US.

Likewise, Malcolm Turnbull was removed in 2018 by his own party and replaced by Scott Morrison. Turnbull was also criticized for being “soft” on China.  That coup had Rupert Murdoch’s fingerprints all over it. Murdoch owns key sections of the Australian press as well as his network of media in the UK and the US including Fox News which he also used to foster reactionary intrigues to benefit US imperialism such as Brexit and the election of Trump.

US imperialism and the CIA pay very close attention to Australian politics because of its key role. Biden, Johnson and Morrison just signed the AUKUS Treaty to lay the groundwork for the Axis to fight a World War against the deformed workers state of China. Australia has key US bases including the Pine Gap spy base which helps guide key elements of the US war machine. Australia has participated in every major bloody US imperialist war since WW2. It is the context of Australia as a key ally of US imperialism that gives the election a broader significance for the international proletariat. 

Obama announces the pivot to Asia from the Australian Parliament in 2011

The volatility class relations within the country will only deepen in the years ahead. The ALP Government under Albanese is a weak one.  It has a wafer thin majority off the back of a very low primary vote. Like other bankrupt social democratic forces internationally it will ruthlessly serve its bourgeois masters in a time of crisis at the expense of the working class As in the US there is a risk that such an ineffective government will indeed lay the groundwork for a return of the threat of the far right within and without Parliament. The absence of any mass based Marxist parties in Australia is of course a material factor in this ongoing crisis. Efforts must be made to turn the leftward trajectory of the electorate into an increase in the level of the class conscious fighting spirt of the Australian working class..

Joint Statement: Summit of the Americas, imperialism and the task of the workers

On June 6, in Los Angeles, the ninth Summit of the Americas will be held. U.S. imperialism will seek a space to update the dependencies that the countries of the continent have with its own imperialism under the cover of the meeting of the heads of state at the Summit of the Americas to deal with issues of diplomatic and commercial importance at the continental level.

Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua were already excluded from the invitation to the summit. Beyond the singularities of these three cases, Cuba – unlike Venezuela and Nicaragua – is a Workers’ State, the reason for the exclusion of these countries is their deep and growing rapprochement to the Eurasian pole, led by Russia and China. This exclusion of these countries puts a certain contradiction between U.S. imperialism and the governments of Latin American countries that seek to expand their autonomous features, such as Lopez Obrador’s Mexico, where in protest against the exclusion of countries from the Summit of the Americas Obrador has already announced that he will not travel to the summit itself, but will send a representative in the person of his foreign secretary.

The most important thing is to define what the Summit of the Americas is as an event or instance of the Ministry of Colonies that is the OAS. It is a forum for imperialism to meet with its semi-colonies and there is nothing progressive about it, even if they were to invite everyone.

In the illusionary reactionary utopia of peaceful coexistence, multilateralism or polycentrism of the Cuban workers’ state and the various expressions of Latin American bourgeois nationalism, participating in those events to go whining for US recognition of their right to be independent only ends up validating the formal pro-imperialist instance, because they would never manage to achieve in those forums the right to respect for self-determination, sovereignty or independence. Perhaps it would make some tactical sense if any of the bourgeois nationalisms or the Cuban Workers State took advantage of that platform to do what Chavez did in the United Nations when he said “here it smells of sulfur…” but none of the current bourgeois nationalisms have that characteristic of Chavez.

The current 2022 Summit of the Americas is taking place in a context of U.S. imperialism’s loss of control in its backyard of Latin America and the Caribbean. Increasingly, countries in the Western Hemisphere are moving closer to Russia and China. There are those who seek to take advantage of the current inter-bloc dispute to broaden their autonomy vis-à-vis the US.

This is the case of López Obrador in Mexico or the current government of Xiomara Castro in Honduras, Bukele in El Salvador. As well as in his centrism Fernández, who in Argentina is giving in to the IMF, while preserving Argentina’s growing economic ties with China. As well as Bolsonaro himself in Brazil, more linked to the Trumpist wing of imperialism.

\Revolutionaries must take advantage of these contradictions arising from imperialist domination in the continent to, on the basis of the unconditional defense of the workers’ state of Cuba and all countries under siege by imperialism – as well as Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, to advance in the independent organization of the workers with the objective of regrouping revolutionaries with the north in the proletarian revolution that contains such that it constitutes the socialist federation of the Americas.

This Summit has several purposes: Biden wants to show that he has a policy towards Latin America under the vector of “democracy” versus “authoritarianism”, a principle that justifies his confrontation with China and Russia and their allies like Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua. Another purpose is the strengthening of economic and commercial ties, vital for the U.S. in the face of the penetration of China and others in its backyard and the control of migration. This, among other things, involves activating containment mechanisms in each country of the migratory chains to the United States. The checkpoints not only pass through the northern and southern border of Mexico but also with the northern and southern border of Guatemala and also for the following southern countries. This manoeuvre of U.S. imperialism against the migration of the workers of the continent demands the defense of the democratic right of workers to cross borders from one country to another.

Biden needs to present a face of articulation with Latin America for the November elections and overcome the contradictions over the non-subscription of several important countries of the Americas regarding sanctions against Russia. He also needs to ensure that oil supply is achieved from Venezuela and that grain supply is also achieved – where the countries of the southern end of the Americas are fundamental – in the perspective of the global impact and famine due to the sanctions against Russia and the consequences of the fall in grain production and trade from Ukraine.

The US will probably avoid rubbing salt in its wound and forcing support for sanctions or further declarations against Russia (as it has already won victories in international declarations in Latin America, the OAS, etc.). We insist that the peoples oppressed by imperialism must defend no war against Russia, no sanctions that lead to higher prices of life, fuel, inflation, poverty, international respect for the self-determination of Russia and China by the US, no sending of weapons to incite Ukraine to war and a statement against neo-Nazism and neo-fascism that attack Russian nationality, language and culture. In this sense, we also defend the democratic right of every national to conduct its foreign trade by means other than the dollar.

We defend the need to reject the expansion and aggression of imperialism, to call Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua to an economic and political unity for the right to sovereignty and self-determination in the only perspective of a Socialist Federation of the Americas passing immediately through the defense of Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela.

That leads us to overcome the bourgeois leaderships combining the struggle for democratic and socialist tasks. That struggle is for the true unity of the continent, the socialist unity, which is necessary if they really want to carry forward an independent course, of self-determination and sovereignty of each people and nation which is a basic democratic principle. Which will only be possible under the leadership of the working class of the continent in alliance with the peasants and the whole of the exploited and oppressed majorities.

Communist League /LCFI- Brazil

Militant Bolshevik Tendency/LCFI – Argentina

Socialist Workers League/LCFI – US

Consistent Democrats/LCFI-Great Britain

Socialist Labor Party – Costa Rica

Communist Party of the Brazilian People

Class Conscious – US/Australia

Marxists Speak Out: Victory Day, against Nazism and Imperialism, yesterday and today

14 May Online International Forum

There are two transcripts not yet available, from two Brazilian trends: comrade Laura Torquato of the Fracao Trotskista, and comrade Neimar, of Partido Comunista does Trabalhadores Brasileiros. When they are recieved, the transcript will be updated.

Transcripts of the Presentations

Socialist Unity Party: Greg Butterfield

Comrades, I’ve just come from a march of many thousands here in New York to defend the right to abortion. As you probably know, a draft ruling by the Supreme Court was leaked earlier this month, which would reverse the right to abortion granted in the Roe Vs. Wade case almost 50 years ago. If the decision goes through, the legal precedent will also endanger many other hard-won civil rights, including same-sex marriage, protection from so-called sodomy laws used to criminalize queer people, even interracial marriage. It truly is an attack on the whole working class.

The vicious ruling class attack on reproductive rights made me think about the essential role of women and other oppressed gender people in our movements and in the Soviet victory over fascism in World War II. We know the names of heroines like the Red Army sniper Lyudmila Pavlichenko, air fighter Lidya Litvyak and saboteur Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya. But Soviet women also held down the home front, kept the factories running, and waged guerrilla warfare when their cities and villages were occupied by the Nazis. 

In 2016 I had the great fortune to attend the Victory Day march in Lugansk, capital of the Lugansk People’s Republic. It was one of the most moving experiences of my life as a revolutionary. The people of the city poured into the streets to honour not only their ancestors who fought fascism decades before, but also those who fought and died to stop Ukraine’s attack on the city in 2014-2015. And women were at the centre of this mobilization. They were the organizers, as they are in so many of our organizations, movements, unions and communities.

In this spirit, we are seeking ways to connect the struggle against the U.S./NATO proxy war in the Ukraine with the emerging mass movement to fight for abortion rights and other struggles of the working class here at home. There is enormous and growing anger and distrust of the Democratic Party, which poses as the friend of workers and oppressed communities to get elected, while fundamentally serving the interests of the capitalist class just like the Republican Party.

In recent weeks, we have seen the spectacle of Democrats in Congress voting unanimously for an additional $40 billion for the proxy war in Ukraine, while at the same time failing in a rushed vote to codify abortion rights into law, despite having control of both the House and Senate. At the same time, every member of the Senate, Democrat and Republican, voted to add extra security for the Supreme Court justices who are poised to strip a basic human right from more than half the population.

The imperialist regime of the U.S. wants to mandate forced pregnancy and birth at a time when the cost of food and rent is skyrocketing, there is a frightening shortage of infant formula, and all of the public health measures of the pandemic have been repealed. And the money that could be used to mitigate some of these life-and-death crises is being spent on weapons and aid to prolong a war on the other side of the world.

The capitalists, in their insatiable drive for profits, can’t stop themselves from pushing too far. They are making the contradictions of their system so glaring that it gives us, their enemies, an opportunity to educate and organize the many, many workers – especially the most downtrodden, Black and Brown people, women, trans people, immigrants. 

As we mark the 77th Victory Day, our great task is to help our class make the connections between the struggle against imperialist war abroad and the war on workers at home.

Bolshevik Group (South Korea)

“Two Key Programatic Issues for Rebuilding International Leadership”

We think Lenin’s following quote is a very useful hint in understanding today’s theme “Victory against Nazism and imperialism, today and yesterday”

“Of course, finance capital finds most ‘convenient’, and derives the greatest profit from, a form of subjection which involves the loss of the political independence of the subjected countries and peoples. In this respect, the semi-colonial countries provide a typical example of the ‘middle stage’. It is natural that the struggle for these semi-dependent countries should have become particularly bitter in the epoch of finance capital, when the rest of the world has already been divided up.”

Imperialism has used a variety of methods, such as “bribery, coup, military dictatorship, assassination, economic sanction, civil war, and direct invasion”, in order to achieve complete subjection, which even deprives political independence. Through these methods, imperialists establish an alliance with comprador partners, which helps setting the most advantageous imperialistic super-exploitation system which extracts the greatest profit.

The imperialist media have labelled certain manoeuvres, which took place mainly in Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, as “Colour Revolutions”. The Euromaidan coup which ousted pro-Russian regime in 2014 is one of the typical examples.

The Kiev regime, established by a coup in 2014, is a fascist/Nazi regime. However, the expression of “fascism/Nazism” represents a portion of its essence but does not reveal the whole causal relationship of the phenomenon. There are two reasons, first it is not distinguished from Nazism in imperialist camp like in Germany, the fascist movement which was aimed to save the capitalist system from the socialist revolution, and second, its relationship with imperialism is not represented.

So, some, including a number of leftists, say, “Putin government is fascist regime that oppresses the working class to the extreme. Therefore, the working class should oppose both fascists.”

Since 2014, Ukrainian Kiev government has undergone several changes in personnel, but it is a pro-imperialist comprador far-right forces which are indigenous social group whose interests coincide with imperialist colonial rule. It has almost the same character as Bandera’s fascist force that cooperated with German imperialism during the anti-Soviet war.

* * *

Such policy of expanding imperialist colonies by using local far-right comprador forces is not limited to Eastern Europe. It’s a phenomenon that happens in every colony around the world. The cases, that have occurred or on the process in past 10 years and may take place in the near future, are roughly as follows.

Libya, Syria in 2011

Egypt in 2013

Turkey, Brazil in 2016

Venezuela, Bolivia, Hong Kong in 2019

Belarus in 2021

Kazakhstan in 2022

Iran

On the other hand, superprofit exploited from colonies aristocratise the working class in the imperialist regions. For them, the victory of their own imperialist government in overseas and the expansion of their colonial rule improves their living standard. So, they share some part of interests with their own imperialist government.

While the workers in the colonial region live a miserable life, the working class in the imperialist region can enjoy a better standard of living through superprofit. These factors function as pressure to push working class in imperialist regions fall into chauvinism, that is, to support its own imperialist government.

This pressure is most acute in Britain and in the United States, which have continuously gained victory since capitalism entered the stage of imperialism and competition between imperialists began. Since English is treated as the world’s common language, there is no need to spend time and effort learning foreign languages. They are also treated as the first-class citizen during their overseas trip. They are free from fear of racism, which Muslims, blacks, and Asians are facing in Europe and North America.

The political forces, which did not fiercely resist and sever ties with this pressure became a hostage to chauvinism. Thus, they ostensibly advocate “Marxism and Trotskyism”, but actually support their own imperialism directly or indirectly. This phenomenon, social patriotism did not only show up during World War I but also during World War II and since then it is still ongoing.

Just by looking at the Ukrainian war, we can see how many “Marxist, Trotskyist” organizations are surrendering to imperialist pressure. If the spectrum is listed from right to left, it would be as follows. RCIT at the far right, SWP (Cliffites) and IBT at the center, and BT at the left, which declared neutrality in the 2014 coup.

This Anglo-Saxon chauvinism is depicted in several documents by ICL’s “The Struggle Against the Chauvinist Hydra”, IBT’s “In Defense of Semour’s Marxism”, and several English documents of our group.

“Worst Enemy of the Working Class” : Capitulation to Imperialism, Neutrality and ‘BT’

Palestinian Liberation and ‘Social Patriotism’: Down with Zionism! For the Palestinian’s Anti-Imperialist Liberation Struggle!

The Exchanges with Revolutionary Regroupment: Imperialism, National Liberation and Permanent Revolution

Summary of Our Thought on “Islam Revolution” in 1979 in Iran

Iran, nationalism and imperialism

We are defending the tradition of Lenin and Trotsky not of Seymour

The Bankruptcy and Collapse of the IBT

As Trotsky said, the historical crisis of mankind is reduced to the crisis of revolutionary leadership. And the crisis of leadership is due to the betrayal of opportunists who have betrayed the historical cause of the working class.

We think that the most important platform issues in the construction of world working class leadership are two.

First, opportunism regarding the question of imperialism

Second, the attitude toward deformed workers states, especially China

These two issues are sharply penetrating today’s theme “Victory against Nazism and imperialism, today and yesterday.”

* * *

We are certain that, regarding the question of Ukraine, the organizations attending this meeting are the most courageous and revolutionary parts of the world proletarian movement. In that sense, we are Zimmerwald or Zimmerwald left. However, we are not sure about the attitude toward China, the second issue that was raised in the 2019 Hong Kong crisis and will continuously arise again as the most critical issue. We wonder what kind of position the comrades here took on the Hong Kong crisis, which heated up 2019 all year long.

The future of mankind depends on us. To solve the crisis, we must build a revolutionary leadership of the world working class. Today’s meeting will be an important opportunity for the rebuilding of the international revolutionary leadership, like the Zimmerwald Conference.

Communist Revolutionary Action (Greece)

Good morning, Good Afternoon, Good night comrades from the world. Thanks again for inviting us to talk to this lovely gathering. My short intervention will try to focus on some aspects of the significance of the 9th May and mainly the attempts to distort its current meaning.

So, if we start from a general understanding of the Second World War, I believe we could say that the victory against Nazism was mostly based on the struggles of the Soviet peoples and the Soviet Union and we have qualitative and quantative data to support this notion. We can see that the most losses were from the Soviet Union, we can see that the biggest part of the Nazi military machine was destroyed by the Soviets. But we also know that the United States and the other bourgeois allies started to fight quite late actually. This was because their goal was for the Nazis to first destroy the Soviets and then to open up a second fight in Europe for the spoils of war.

So based on our historical understanding of what happened in the Second World War, if it wasn’t for the Soviet struggle, we wouldn’t have the defeat of Nazism. Whilst this according to our perspective is a historical truth, on the other hand, as years and decades pass by, we see that Europeans think that the destruction of the Nazis was an American victory. So, for example there are some opinion polls on WW2 in France and Europe that support what I am saying. And it is quite astonishing to understand that they are managing to distort such a deep historical truth.

Of course there is a deep inter-connection between Hollywood, main broadcasting networks like BBC and CNN, who are consciously and continuously trying to propagandise and change historical reality. It’s important to understand the significance of information warfare in current politics.

So what we are seeing right now in Ukraine with all these false flag operations like in Bucha and Snake Island, the United States and its proxies are trying to construct a narrative that the Russians are barbarians etc. They are doing the same thing with history. So, history becomes a battle ground for staging false flag operations and falsifications. There are many consequences for this procedure. Let’s define this phenomenon, let’s call it the snatching of history. This has immense consequences because this is not just a random discussion about the past. It has immense significance for now. What an immense power to be able to rewrite history and construct discourses that suit you. And why is that? Because if you can control the past, its easier for you to organise and control the present. And we have actually seen that from the mouthpieces of imperialism.

Let me give you a practical example because until now I have been too theoretical. Let’s remember the hysteria regarding Saddam Hussein or Gaddafi. The main US news would say Saddam Hussein was a new Hitler right and now we are facing the same thing, Putin is not just a Stalin, he is a Hitler. How gruesome it is to try to compare these kinds of leaders to Hitler. The goal is very specific. It is to use the Nazi atrocities, the atrocities of imperialism to create a monster out of these countries. So imperialist crimes of the past are used to justify the current plans of imperialism. So, the old crimes are used to justify new imperialist crimes. So for example isn’t Abu Graib or Guantanamo a WW2 kind of a crime? But nobody knows what’s happening in there, how many people are jailed, how many people are murdered etc.

We have also seen other examples of this kind of snatching or hacking, for example in Israel in the way the Holocaust is used as a way to justify the genocide of Palestinians. But I know this is a theme that I wouldn’t like to say more.

So what I am saying is that by taking history they are more able to justify their crimes now. They are more able to politically control the population and guiding them to this or that choice. The issue is that we don’t just have an attempt to rewrite history but also a political change. For example, if you ask a liberal what fascism or Nazism is, he or she would probably say it’s just violence and dictatorship. And by saying that they are justifying their own characters, it is the other limit in relation to themselves. It is the other pole of democratically elected governments. So, it’s a kind of dualism where in one pole we have those who respect minorities, its pro-dialogue, pro-rule-based policies. Where on the other pole we have authoritarianism, monologue, chaos, and brutal dictatorship. On the one hand you have respect for human rights and non-violence and on the other hand we have no respect for human rights. So, by using this characterisation of Nazism and fascism they are politically rebranding themselves as the factor of progressiveness and enlightenment. Whereas the rest of the world, Asia, Africa, Latin America etc are the beacon of the past let’s say. And is quite funny that the United States Empire and its satellite countries have organised hundreds of military groups all around the world and have made it all but impossible to have a normal democratic process in these countries because they are continually in the process of surviving. At the same time they use these defensive behaviours of these states as a way to criminalise them as dictatorships as a way to slander them and make them illegitimate in term of Western knowledge, in order to project on them that they are militarists for example.

Of course they never really give a damn about these populations or what these leaders say. So, what is happening is that the CIA hits them and when they react we have a Democratic Party shouting “Look at those militarists”. So, we have a political system that hits together, as an organic whole if you say it in Marxist terms. Whoever objects to imperialist rule is often trapped in this kind of dual attack, both from the Democratic Party and the Republican.

It is very important not to just try to not just adopt the correct historical narrative of what happened on 9th May and who destroyed the Nazi monsters. It is also very important to make a political analysis in the sense that Marxists do not understand Nazism as just the expression of plain violence. Because if we explain Nazism as explicit violence this blurs the boundaries of what is a defensive action and an offensive action. Like for example what we are seeing now in Ukraine. In our opinion it is a defensive action on the part of Russia. Nazism also we cannot identify with the feeling that one is part of a nation. Of course, every national feeling has a lot of metaphysical feeling of great ancestry or lineage. For example, the chauvinists in Greece believe they are the descendants of Ancient Greece etc which in our opinion is laughable. Also, Nazism cannot be identified with territorial disputes between different nations or nationalisms. In our opinion our main hypothesis is that Nazism is probably borne when nationalism is mixed with imperialist dreams. Or is it when imperialism gives you the weapons to fight for them for example. It is not a coincidence for example that Swastikas appeared in NATO regiments in Afghanistan and now Azov. It’s also not by chance that ISIS, Al Qaeda, and Azov were given money and weapons in order to fight the Empire’s war. This is an expression of the essence of what Nazism is, of the imperialist aspects of Nazism.

So if we don’t have a definition of what imperialism is we will not be very successful in understanding what fascism is or what Nazism is. So, it is very important to define what Imperialism is and right now if I could condense in a few sentences what imperialism is it’s the ability to subordinate the globe, to carve it as Lenin said. It’s the ability to sustain and hold the global financial system. To express a global military force and political influence. It’s the ability to organise groups everywhere in the world. Also, at the same time imperialism is to have as a conscious idea the ability to under develop the rest of the world to sustain an environment of selling expensive industrial tools to deindustrialised countries. It is the strategy of not providing cultural knowledge and equipment that could break dependence.

So in order to return to 9th May and to conclude my presentation if we could guess what is the most probable success of Nazism because I don’t believe we have had a true revival of Nazism yet, the most probable candidate is the US Empire and its proxies. Nazism will be probably not be revived in the rest of the world. We would guess if it was to be revived it will be at the birthplace where it also has an imperialist function now. It would be in Europe or the United States as these other proxy armies or organisations. So, if we really want to adhere to the current meaning of 9th of May, Victory Day, it is the destruction of this mechanism, it is the holding NATO and the White House and the rest of the imperialist organisations to account. It is to destroy them as the only way to remember the true significance of Victory Day. Thank you very much, comrades.

ClassConscious.org : Davey Heller

According to the bourgeois press and echoed shamefully by many so-called Marxists, to point to the connections between the current war in Ukraine, the Great Patriotic War and the fight against fascism is to play into the hands of “Putin’s propaganda”. However, these connections are real.

That the Russians are fighting against the forces of fascism is undeniable in Ukraine. The Banderaite fascists in Ukraine are not even Neo-Nazis in any real sense the term but unreconstructed Nazis who trace their lineage directly to fascist Ukrainian forces: the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in WW2, who committed massive atrocities against Ukrainians of Jewish and Polish descent as they fought alongside the Nazis against the Soviets. The OUN then went on to be funded by the CIA to continue its war against the Soviet Union even after the end of WW2 into the 1950s.

It was therefore hardly a break with form when US imperialism under Obama openly solidarised and used fascist shock troops on the group to prosecute the Maiden Coup in 2014. These Nazis employed the most vicious tactics to ensure a new Banderaite regime was installed. They shot anti-government protestors in a false flag operation in Kiev to finally bring down the Yanukovych Government and herded and burnt alive 48 leftists in Odessa. It is no coincide these crimes echo the crimes of the OAN during WW2 on a smaller scale. It is the type of crimes that would have been implemented on a massive scale if the Ukrainian forces, led by the Azov Battalion had successfully retaken the Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk and wreaked their revenge on the populations there.

Whilst the fascist far right parties do not rule directly in the current Government of Ukraine under Zelenskyy, it is doing the bidding of both imperialism and the fascists in Ukraine. Before the Russian intervention the suppression of left-wing parties continued, the Minsk Agreement was rejected, preparations for retaking both Crimea and the Donbass continued militarily as plans for NATO membership were advanced. Stepan Bandera was elevated to a national hero and “decommunization” continued. Zelenskyy’s initial flirting with making peace in the East was quickly brought under control by the Ukrainian fascists and their imperialist pay masters.  

That the Russians are fighting imperialism in Ukraine is also undeniable. Weapons are pouring in not just from the US but other leading imperialist nations such as Germany, Britain, and secondary imperialist powers such as Canada and Australia. It is clear the war in Ukraine is being used to accelerate and advance the latest imperialist effort to dominate the Eurasian landmass, as in the last century.

The first “grand imperial coalition” to try and do so was the 14 country Allied invasion who attacked Soviet Russia from 1917 to aid the White Army. Ten of those countries are now part of the new imperialist alliance sending weapons to Ukraine:  the US, UK, Canada, Australia, France, Japan, Greece, Estonia, Romania, Italy, demonstrating the continuity of the project.

The second imperialist effort was of course the massive Nazi fascist Operation Barbarossa which was defeated at such enormous cost to the Soviet people. Officially 25 million Soviet citizens died, 18 million non-combatants. One out of every ten Russians. Hitler planned to kill 30 million to create the Lebensraum (living space) deemed necessary for Germany to become an imperialist country that could compete with the hegemonic US. The Genocide of European Jewry and Operation Barbarossa were part of one interconnected process of extirpating “Judeo-Bolshevism” and destroying the urban intelligentsia of Eastern Europe. The gas vans of the SS Einsatzgruppen first rolled in Ukraine.

(30,000 Jews were hurled into the Babi Yar ravine in Kiev; some of the OUN fascists assisted in the hurling before being tossed in themselves!).

Despite the victory of the Red Army over fascism that we celebrate on May 9th, of course the imperialist powers never gave up on their plans to both gain control of the Russian/Soviet landmass and to smash communism once and for all. It only took until 1949 for the US to start once again working with Britain, France and Germany to form NATO as an offensive military pact to bring down the Soviet Union. It even put leading Nazi military figures into senior positions due to their ideological and practical experience in fighting communism. After the fall of the Soviet Union, NATO has again been massively expanded onto the borders of Russia itself and the moves to incorporate Ukraine largely precipitated Russia’s decision to militarily intervene in February

This brings me to some key differences between the Great Patriotic War and today’s situation. Firstly, it needs to be acknowledged that Russia faces a very different kind of military threat than was even posed by the massed power of the millions of Nazi soldiers and tanks and that bore down upon it in 1941. Of course, even the placing of conventional weapons is threatening to the Russian state but the fact is that a new “Operation Barbarossa” if launched will not be conventional but a pre-emptive nuclear strike. That is why Russia cannot afford to allow the imperialists to turn its borders into a long string of missile defence systems and offensive nuclear weapons systems that render its nuclear capacity unthreatening. If such a war was launched it is no exaggeration to suggest that Russia and its working class would be effectively wiped from the map. Of course, the resources under the ground would still be able to be mined and extracted at a later date!

The same denial of how modern warfare works is the insistence by some Marxist groups that US and Western imperialism is not directly involved in this war because they do not have “boots on the ground”. They turn what is a tactical move by the imperialists into an excuse for not taking a side. What I mean is that it obviously suits the US to have Ukrainian soldiers doing the dying rather than US soldiers whilst the US and its allies direct the war through providing nearly all the weapons and intelligence to keep the Ukrainian army functioning. This includes highly sophisticated weapons such as “suicide drones’ and new generation anti-tank weapons. It is beyond obvious that the Ukrainian army could not function without this direct support. The tens of billions of dollars’ worth of weapons make the question of “boots on the ground” redundant.

 If some Marxists are confused, the imperialists are not. Biden has stated “Putin must go”. Secretary of State Blinken bellowed “we want to see Russia weakened to the degree that it can’t do the kinds of things that it has done in invading Ukraine” and British Foreign Secretary declared that a full defeat of Russia in Ukraine, including its expulsion from Crimea is a “strategic imperative”.

It is in this context that the position of “revolutionary” defeatism is an act of cowardice at best. It ignores the impact of a NATO victory not only on the balance of class forces within Ukraine but internationally as such a victory if it does not spark World War 3 in the process would only accelerate the drive to war against China as well by imperialism.

Such Marxists are making no attempt to even explain why most of the Global South, including even supposed allies of the US such as India, has not joined in with the sanctions regime against Russia. Therefore, they have accommodated not to international public opinion even but only to the propaganda offensive of the ruling class within the imperialist centres.

Russia is not itself an imperial power, whatever the subjective ambitions of Putin. It is a backward dependent capitalist state, despite the outsized military power it inherited from the Soviet workers’ state. The war in Ukraine that Russia is fighting is therefore a war against fascism and imperialism and revolutionary defeatism should be rejected. Marxists should support the military victory of Russia over NATO and its vassal government in Kiev.

However, May 9th is also an opportunity to draw out why support for the regime of Putin should only be of a critical nature. Putin when drawing upon the legacy of the historic victory of the Red Army over Nazism seeks to rob it of its class context. He seeks to turn into a victory of the Russian “Motherland”, as opposed to the victory of the Soviet proletariat defending the gains of the 1917 revolution. Putin himself of course rejects Bolshevism even going as far as blaming the current crisis on Lenin’s policies on the national question.

This tension has come out in the contradictory manner in which the Hammer and Sickle flag of the Soviet Union has manifested itself during the fighting. Russian soldiers have been seen taking down the Ukrainian flag from public buildings and replacing it not with the Russian flag but the Soviet Flag. They have flown it from their tanks. Most famously, Anna, the “Babushka” came out waving it at soldiers she thought were Russian there to liberate her town only to find Ukrainian soldiers who in the face of her protests stomped on the flag.

 Of course, as Marxists we must take every opportunity to put the Great Patriotic War in its correct class context and reject the efforts of the new Russian bourgeoisie to claim it for their own.

We believe that the interests of the international working class are again at stake just as they were in World War 2 during the fight against Nazism. We support the forces of the Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk and Russia in their struggle against imperialism and fascism. The launch of the military action by Russia on February 24th this year has acted as a dividing line to sort out which Marxist forces are truly lining up against the imperialist drive towards World War 3. This panel is part of the efforts to build links between those forces. Let us go forward together to build an international anti-imperialist movement based on Marxist principles!

Liga Comunista: Levi Pedro

My name is Levi Pedro. I am a construction worker. I participated in the Workers’ Party in the period of its foundation.

Today I am a member of the Communist League, the Brazilian section of the Liaison Committee for the Fourth International.

For the first time since World War II, Nazism has conquered power in a country.

It was in 2014 in Ukraine, the second largest country on the European continent, which has a population of 45 million people.

Supported by the United States and the European Union, Nazi groups overthrew a democratically elected government through a coup d’état.

Since then, Ukrainian Nazis have killed 14,000 people to submit the country to the European Union and NATO.

They legalized Nazism, banned communism, opposition parties and murdered trade unionists.

Nazism is the cudgel of finance capital and NATO against workers to increase exploitation and break their resistance. Working harder and being prevented from protesting and striking.

We cannot let imperialist Nazism have its day of victory today. This is going to be terrible for exploited workers all over the world.

That is why we form a front with Russia against imperialism and its Ukrainian puppet. We are not satisfied with the independence of a part of Ukraine.

The Russian bourgeoisie, as well as the Ukrainian or Brazilian ones, do not deserve our slightest confidence, as they always capitulate in the fight against imperialism.

But the main enemy is imperialism that oppresses the planet and exploits us all.

The solution is the unity of workers and youth to build self-defense committees and a world party of socialist revolution to crush imperialism and Nazism.

That is why today we are in a united front with Putin, the devil is his grandmother, against Nazi-imperialism, as comrade Trotsky taught us against Hitler.

In 1932, comrade Trotsky explained to us the difference between a fascist government and a fascist state.

The fact that a government announces measures of radical expropriation of workers or expresses a desire to repress the population does not yet make it fascist.

Trotsky said that the state became fascist when it prohibited the elements of workers’ democracy that exist and are the achievements of workers within the capitalist regime.

The state became fascist when the state intervened in unions, banned left-wing parties, arrested and tortured political representatives of the working class, the state became fascist.

This has not yet happened systematically in the US, Brazil, Hungary, Russia or France.

But it happened in Ukraine from the 2014 Russophobic and anti-communist coup d’état supported by the US and the EU.

In the Second World War it was not clear to everyone that imperialism promoted Nazi-fascism. It was not clear why there were military conflicts between Nazi imperialism and Allied imperialism.

But now it must be clear to everyone that imperialism, that the US, that NATO finances and sends arms to Nazism, to the Azov battalion.

Now there are no more doubts.

Nazism is a Frankstein’s monster of imperialism against workers.

After the First World War, in 1919, Rosa Luxemburg was executed by the germs of Nazism supported by Social Democracy.

Before she died, Rosa Luxemburg formulated the alternative “socialism or barbarism”.

After the rise of Nazi fascism in Italy and Germany, things became clearer.

It is possible for capitalism to generate something worse than barbarism, worse than barbarism is fascist barbarism.

Trotsky said in 1939, “After the Italian experience we repeated it a thousand times: either COMMUNISM OR FASCISM.”

Now the question presents itself more clearly than ever.

Neo-Nazism is an agent of NATO, neo-Nazism is an agent of decadent imperialism.

Against neo-Nazism and NATO we stand together with Xi Jimping, Assad, Kin Jong Un and Maduro.

And we prefer a Ukraine occupied by an oppressed country like Russia than by the Nazi-imperialists from NATO, the US, Germany, England, and France.

But we need a new communist international workers’ organization to defeat Nazism and imperialism definitively.

The day will come that will be the day of definitive victory over Nazism, when humanity will definitively bury imperialism and capitalism.

That’s what the Communist League has to say to comrades today. Thanks for listening to us.

Partido Obrero Socialista (Costa Rica): Pablo Hdez

The defeat of German imperialism and the dialectic of the Revolution and counterrevolution

Good afternoon comrades. A few days ago, this detail appeared on the networks: A woman, in Samara, is harassed by a Russian pro-Nazi, who rebukes her because she carries a Z in her bag and questions her for supporting the War. The woman decently tells him “I am for the victory of our military, I am for peace.” Then before the aggressive tone of the Nazi, the woman gets nervous and puts him in his place. We have also seen this week the massive mobilizations of a sector of the Bulgarian population demanding that Bulgaria not send weapons to Ukraine and even asking for the fall of the Government that does not attend to the needs of the Bulgarian people and if the Ukraine needs for the war.

Without a doubt, when the woman in the video justifies the armed struggle to achieve peace, she does nothing other than update the history of the armed struggle for the defense of the USSR and the subsequent offensive to defeat the Nazi forces and reach the heart of Berlin on the symbolic May 9, 1945. That ended the war and opened for the Russians and the people of the USSR a period of relative peace, but peace at last. Let’s call it a peaceful period of coexistence with the staunch enemies of the Workers’ States, even if it was for a period that lasted for Russia until the current offensive by NATO and imperialism, let’s place it in 2014 with the war in Crimea and Donbass or let’s place it in the February 24, 2022 with the start of the so-called Special Operation.

The Second World War as a continuation of the counterrevolution against the Soviet Workers’ State

The Second World War was not only the continuation of the First to define the distribution of power of the different imperialisms: German imperialism made its second attempt to seize power in Europe and reduce the old and worn-out English imperialism, until then, the predominant imperialist power, not only in Europe but in the world.

Japanese imperialism did the same in Asia-Pacific. US imperialism took advantage of its comparative advantage of being on another continent and made its own calculations. It was waiting for the opportunity to intervene in the war in the best conditions to be the one who became world power. German imperialism had its priority in Europe and calculated that before taking over the whole world, with Europe in its hands, it would negotiate with the North American and the Japanese. But its objective for territorial economic reasons was to defeat the USSR and for political reasons it also intended to do so, since the USSR was the benchmark for the broad masses of Europe as the protagonist of the first triumphant socialist workers’ revolution and with enormous advances in its development as a workers’ state.

We just must remember that after the First World War the USSR faced a World War waged by the armies of the different imperialisms to crush the revolution, and it was the first Great War against imperialism. German imperialism had to defeat the USSR if it wanted to be the dominant power in Europe, either to continue against North American imperialism or for any temporary negotiation.

The triumph of the workers’ state defined as “triumph over the Nazis” is a subterfuge that Stalinism used to mask the class struggle because those who were really confronting each other were imperialist forces and the forces of a workers’ state. Likewise, Stalinism disguised itself as a national war: “Second Patriotic War” they called it to mask that it was also a counterrevolutionary war of the imperialists against the socialist workers’ state. “The Nazis” were the ideology and the program that the German imperialist bourgeoisie adhered to, imposed and raised and the German Army incorporated its symbology from Nazism, but the German state continued to be imperialist bourgeois, just like its army, only with a regime and a fascist or Nazi government. American, English, and French imperialism did the same, masking this inter-imperialist war combined with the war to defeat the Soviet workers’ state, as a war between democracy and a fascist-Nazi dictatorship and not as it was in essence: a continuation of the first world war of robbery.

Despite the containment of the Stalinist bureaucracy, the triumph over the Nazis promoted the permanent Revolution but also the permanent counter-revolution with the Cold War.

The triumph over the project of German imperialism to take over Europe and defeat the USSR as part of that objective, meant, despite the reactionary purposes of “socialism in one country” of the bureaucracy of the workers’ state with Stalinism as its leadeship, a process of Permanent Revolution: First, the People’s Democratic Republics of Eastern Europe had to advance and then deepen in them “socialist” tasks of expropriation of the bourgeoisie in those countries that had been liberated from the Nazi imperialist occupation. Then another giant would end up converting the Resistance to the Japanese occupation of its territory into a socialist peasant workers’ revolution and founding the workers’ state, the People’s Republic of China. And then North Korea and Cuba would follow.

At the same time a series of anti-colonial revolutions took place in Africa, the Middle East and Asia. which also ended up defining the distribution of inter-imperialist powers and the affirmation of the North American power as the dominant imperialism, by losing France and especially England, their great colonies, as well as allowing the Soviet bureaucracy to expand its influence in those decolonized regions.

All this prevented the victorious imperialisms of the Second World War from attacking the USSR; although they considered it, they did not count on the power relations in their favour to crush with a continuation of the Second War or a new World War against the USSR. Instead, an international order that we know of the “United Nations” of “peaceful” coexistence or negotiated order was imposed while the imperialists developed what was called the Cold War.

In this regard, it is important to point out that the concept and policy of Peaceful Coexistence is based on the principle of free self-determination of peoples and their sovereignty as states and nations formulated by the revolutionary bourgeoisie that comes from the French Revolution. It starts from that principle but introduces the decision and will of the parties to prevent the balance of forces from breaking between two existing systems at the time: socialism in one country with its post-war socialist bloc, and imperialism under the main domination of the USA along with its bloc of secondary imperialisms or those relegated to second order after the war, such as France and England.

The objective of the capitalist imperialisms to defeat the workers’ states was never abandoned. The Cold War was a war of attrition and contention so that the USSR was cooked in its own sauce of “socialism in its own country” economically and what would later be called “colour revolutions” or “springs” were woven in the countries of the so-called Soviet bloc: liberal democratic counterrevolutions for the restoration of capitalism and the power of the imperialist bourgeoisie using sectors of the petty bourgeoisie of each of those Eastern European states.

The world crisis of imperialist capitalism, especially the end of the post-war boom in the 1970s, dragged down the imperialist centres of free markets and competition such as the North American, but also not the mixed economy projects or welfare states, with strong participation of the state as a distorted expression of the triumph over Nazism or as an antidote for the masses not to follow in the footsteps of the Russian Revolution and also to the reactionary project of the Soviet bureaucracy of “socialism in one country”. For the Stalinists, the capitalist crises before and after the Second World War did not affect the USSR, shielded by the project of “socialism in one country” which, in the calculations of Stalinism, would develop to such a degree that it would establish a competition between two supposed models. Ending in the “socialist” by prevailing over what would be the disadvantage of the “western capitalist” world.

The calculation went wrong because the economies of the socialist bloc in a single country were integrated into the international capitalist division of labour. They could have margins to weather the consequences of capitalist crises, but they were not exempt from being affected by them. After the years of the post-war boom that allowed a fabulous development of the socialist bloc until the early 70s, who had reservations to face that great crisis of the capitalist economy of that time were the capitalist imperialist countries and especially North American imperialism, which also imposed , being the dominant power of the “capitalist West”, its own currency in 1971 completely detached from gold (FIAT Currency).

The only possibility to give air, even to a utopian project such as “socialism in one country”, was to develop the Permanent Revolution. It was to promote the revolutions and worker and popular uprisings for socialism in the world and to develop transformations internally that would stop the capitalist restorationist patterns that the Soviet bureaucracy encouraged as a form of adaptation to world capitalism and as a process of its intrinsic tendency to transform itself into a new bourgeoisie.

The leaks of the worldwide rise of the anti-imperialist and anti-colonial struggles, especially, were not enough to prevent imperialism, albeit more weakly, from resuming its counterrevolutionary offensive against the USSR and the new workers’ states. To the constant and permanent counterrevolution with the “Cold War” of the imperialisms, an objective condition of deterioration of the conquests and of the economy and social life was imposing itself in the socialist bloc and the curse of socialism in a single country further promoted the tendencies of bureaucracies and nationalist communist parties that sought to protect their source of local privileges instead of promoting the deepening of socialism internally and the extension of the workers, peasants and popular revolutions in the world.

The Dissolution of the USSR opened a tortuous process, but not yet closed, of capitalist restoration, creation of a new bourgeoisie and a new national bourgeois State.

The triumph of the so-called Cold War was imposed with the processes of dismantling the Soviet bureaucracy desperately seeking to adapt to capitalism and its different tendencies and fractions in order to seek to be the best off. Gorbachev first until he was defeated by the most proto-capitalist wing led by Yeltsin, supported by demoralized masses won over to the fiction of the supposed benefits of a liberal market and liberal society. Yeltsin crowns his project with the dissolution of the USSR and the cascade of violent or negotiated counterrevolutions between the different sectors of the population and the bureaucracies and agencies of imperialism in the other countries of the Soviet bloc, such as the Catholic Church, for example, in Poland with Solidarity. and in the former USSR itself (separation of Republics). There were changes of bourgeois democratic liberal regimes and governments, some with transitory leaderships of the “recycled” bureaucracies and either directly bourgeois or pro-imperialist European and North American ones. In other countries such as Romania, Albania and Yugoslavia, bloody civil wars were especially those that ended the so-called “deformed workers’ states”.

But at least in what in the theoretical tradition of our current we call the degenerated workers’ state, in the USSR, apart from an “attempted palace coup” against Yeltsin, there was no dissolution of the “Army”. To the administrative bureaucracies of the CPSU that ran like rats to save themselves from the sinking ship, a military bureaucracy appears within the Army that brings together others that also joined or offered their services. That military wing of the Red Army was led by Vladimir Putin.

The transformations of the USSR and within it especially of Russia to fully restore a bourgeois state, required a civil war or a coup that touched not only the government and the regime, but the STATE. In essence, we follow Engels’ definition of the STATE as a group of armed men who guard a certain mode of property and production. Well, the Group of armed men, the essence of the deformed Workers’ State, as there is no doubt, but workers, the Army of the former USSR, was not destroyed. Was there room for a peaceful transformation of a State linked to a specific property regime without civil war or a coup that would dissolve the Army and replace it with another group of armed men at the service of the new property regime? We are not convinced of this.

Was a change in the regime with a constitution that eliminated the definition of socialism and a series of economic measures of massive privatization enough to declare capitalism restored in the former USSR and establish a bourgeois regime and a bourgeois state? We are inclined to say no.

In most Eastern European states, it did not happen because the Armies of those workers’ states were an extension or branch of the Russian Army and their emergence had come from the liberation of the Red Army. On the other hand, in Albania, Romania, and especially in Yugoslavia, that “group of armed men” came from their own liberation forces that defeated the Nazis in their territories and their political and military bureaucracy had roots and national identity.

In the Russian Federation and in Russia as the main country there was a change of government with Gorbachev, and with Yeltsin especially, of government and regime. The capitalist restoration was being imposed with kicks and with traumatic and threatening costs of even turning Russia into a “failed state”. The definition of a workers’ state disappeared from the narrative and formality in the new constitution of 1993.

The constitution was changed in 1993 and reflects that transition to the capitalist restoration and the change of state, but the process was not closed. Regarding the character of the post-Soviet State, it points out:

“The Russian Federation is a social state, whose policy is aimed at creating conditions that guarantee a dignified life and the free development of the individual” In the previous Constitution of 1977 with the reforms of Leonid Brezhnev, it defined that: “The supreme objective of social production under socialism is the greatest possible satisfaction of the growing material, cultural and intellectual requirements of the people”. The concept “Social” had a Revolutionary character: linked to socialism, which was modified by the single term “social” only and “people” is deleted for “individual” in the 1997 Constitution after the dissolution of the USSR was declared.

Regarding property, the 1993 Constitution states that “In the Russian Federation, the unity of the economic space, the free transit of goods, services and financial resources, support for competition and free economic activity are guaranteed…In the Russian Federation Russian Federation, private, state, municipal and other forms of property are recognized and protected in the same way. (Same refers to land ownership)

The right to private property is protected by law.

All these are texts of the post-Soviet Constitution of 1993.

The former Soviet bureaucracy rewinds before the failure of the restorationist fast track

As the work of Ana Teresa Gutiérrez (1) points out:

“This capitalist restoration program had by no means served its purpose, a task that has proven more difficult than the Harvard economists who designed it imagined. The new course, led by Vladimir Putin, suggested a more assertive and nationalist foreign policy, one that was not subservient to Western politics and was more in tune with the Russian military elite.”

A wing of the ex-Soviet bureaucracy reacts, also fearing that a social explosion of chaotic dimensions could occur that would not give the ex-Soviet bureaucracy any space to recycle and manage the process of capitalist restoration, which threatened Russia to continue the course of states such as Czechoslovakia exponentially: Explosion in pieces of the components of the Russian Federation in a supra-balkanization and absolute domination of the capitals of European and North American imperialism, making the booty.

With the rise of Putin, mounted on masses disenchanted with the openly neoliberal capitalist turn, the workers’ state will not be restored, but the Army will intervene in political life and will restore, especially in strategic economic activities, re-nationalization and a new state and military bureaucracy.

It is clear that the definition of the Russian Federation or Russia is not socialism, nor is it to affirm the workers’ state. It is not a workers’ state but perhaps then, is it already a bourgeois state with a restored and consolidated capitalism? We don’t appreciate it yet. We come close to characterizing Russia as a degenerated workers’ state that began a political transformation in the 1980s with perestroika and whose milestone was the dissolution of the USSR in 1991 and an accelerated course of the capitalist restorationist process. This restorationist process came from the defeat of the Bolshevik wing in 1924 with the death of Lenin, the wear and tear of the war to crush the counter-revolution and the imperialist armies, the defeat of the European revolutions, the German one in the first place, and the triumph of the bureaucratization of the party and the Revolution itself that made it possible to anchor and make the counterrevolutionary theses of “socialism in one country” triumph.

This fast course or “restorationist Fast Track” was started by a sector of the Soviet bureaucracy with Gorbachev, in alliance with imperialism and it only meant the sale of assets to pay foreign debt and insufficient and tiny loans from the IMF. The successor, Boris Yeltsín, was more radical since he led Russia at the end of the 90s to half the GDP of when he began the process of dismantling the state. The masses were disenchanted with the illusions in a market opening and liberal democratic reforms that only led to the destruction, not only of previous living conditions even in the worst crisis of the USSR, and to the social decomposition and of their nationality or national identity.

The wing of the former Soviet bureaucracy with strong participation in the Russian armed forces and its security apparatus found in Vladimir Putin the leader with the capacity to carry out the rewind in a Bonapartist manner to make an orderly capitalist restorationist displacement but not “neoliberal”. Putin had had the confidence of Yeltsin who appointed him deputy director of the Kremlin in 1997, director of the Federation Security Forces (FSB) in 1998, Secretary of the Security Council in 1999, Prime Minister in 1999, and President interim before Yeltsin’s resignation. He was the man of transition. He was the quintessential Bonapartist who could arbitrate between the different wings of the ex-Soviet bureaucracy.

Rewinding meant stopping the accelerated course of plunder and conversion of Russia to a power that “raffled off” the valuable assets of the former USSR to oligarchs and directly to US and European imperialism. Rewinding meant stopping the rush of the car down the slope towards the abyss of absolute dissolution and not only of the USSR but of those who had administered the source of privileges: the former Soviet bureaucracy. Rewinding meant recovering strategic activities for the state, strengthening the military assets of its armed forces and its military industry, guaranteeing a buffer social economic regime that would prevent the social explosions that would dissolve the former USSR in new Balkans, and guarantee the passage of the former Soviet bureaucracy to conversion into the bourgeoisie.

People’s China had made this step to capitalist restoration with the reforms initiated with Deng Xiaoping’s “Reform and Opening Up” in 1978 after the power vacuum created in 1976 with the death of Mao Zedong. A process of creation and promotion of a national bourgeoisie was opened that Xi Jinping put more recently his last. The CCP bureaucracy is preparing its way to become a bourgeoisie and is supported by a directly bourgeois sector that prepares the ground, but under its control. Putin has tried to emulate China in this regard with his own version. It developed a state bureaucracy, especially of renationalized and strategic companies, and strengthened a military bureaucracy by modernizing the army and the military industrial complex. It relied on the Russian oligarchs who adhered to the nationalist project and who, in agreement or under pressure, stopped looting funds to Switzerland and invested them in national and mixed capitalist bourgeois development, in unity with state companies. In the same sense, Putin made alliances especially with the German bourgeoisie to obtain loans from German banks and alliances such as Nord Stream 1 and 2.

From the 1993 Constitution, Putin emphasized nationalization, the development of a national bourgeoisie and “national” productive, financial, and commercial activity, as well as public-private alliances or mixed property and economy.

Russia is going through, like China, an accelerated process of capitalist restoration but from the Party bureaucracy, in the case of China, and from the bureaucracy of the former workers’ state in the first case. But both countries are not capitalist countries already established or with restorationist processes already closed or finished, much less consolidated. Neither, and in this we agree with this entire sector that has developed a united front for the defence of Russia and against the War of imperialism and NATO, do we consider these two countries as “imperialists”. There are developments and foundations, from the companions of this unit of action mentioned, regarding this that we share, and we are not going to repeat here.

For us, China is a deformed and degenerated workers’ state on the way to capitalist restoration and Russia is a former workers’ state in the process of rewinding or rethinking capitalist restoration. One is a workers’ state in the process of restoring capitalism and transforming into a bourgeois state and the other is a former workers’ state in the process of capitalist restoration, development of a national bourgeoisie but faced with the weakness of not having a configured national bourgeoisie (the oligarchs cannot be attributed to be a class because they are bourgeois but rich tycoons and not a structured and solid national class; and many of those Russian oligarchs fled as soon as the conflict with Ukraine began) must rely on nationalization to reach to fully establish the capitalist system, the development of a modern and state-of-the-art industrialization and a bourgeois State. As an expression of “socialism in its own country” that encouraged and configured China and Russia under the Stalinist project and theory, these were since then national powers, great national states that struggled to assert themselves in the face of a natural and desperate tendency of imperialism to expansion. and militarism. We do not consider Russia and China to be dependent countries. They have an advanced condition in their development or uneven and combined, but “national”.

Russia and China struggle to participate in the international division of capitalist labour but each defending its “national independence”. They develop a national bourgeoisie and a project for a national State in permanent conflict with North American imperialism and its dynamics of expansion and the need to destroy its competitors, whether they are other imperialisms or whether they are states in the process of capitalist restoration with a nationalist bourgeoisie that fights for its space of realization of surplus value. In this, China and Russia are similar to semi-colonial countries such as Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela, Nicaragua, etc. in Latin America with national bourgeoisies that fight for space and market share, entering into very strong contradictions with Yankee imperialism.

In our revolutionary Marxist tradition, we have rescued the struggle for the defence of the self-determination of peoples and nations as a bourgeois democratic task that the imperialist bourgeoisie will never allow, least of all in its senile, exhausted, or chronic crisis phase, but valid as a democratic slogan. But we have also always accompanied it with the need for federations or unions under the sole perspective of the socialist Revolution. Trotsky writes a work titled: “The Right of nations to self-determination” in May 1917 and points out:

“…By its very nature, imperialism is expansive and aggressive, and this is its characteristic quality and not diplomatic manoeuvres from here derives the permanent conflict between the principle of national self-determination that, in many cases, leads to economic and state decentralization (dismemberment, separation) and the powerful centralizing tendencies of imperialism that the state apparatus and power have at their disposal. military. ..This direct and immediate dependence on the national self-determination of the weak peoples of the collective European regime, excludes the possibility that the proletariat poses questions such as the independence of Poland or the unification of all Serbs outside the European revolution. But, on the other hand, this means that the right to self-determination, as an element of the proletarian peace program, does not have a “utopian” but a revolutionary character. This consideration is directed in two directions: against the German Davids and Lindbergs, who, from the height of their imperialist “realism”, denigrate the principle of national independence as reactionary romanticism; and against the simplifiers of our revolutionary camp when they affirm that it is only achievable in socialism and thereby avoid a principled answer to the questions raised by the war”

It is an early writing by Trotsky when the Bolsheviks have not yet taken power and much less social democracy has been discarded by building the Third International, but it is fully valid. The right of Venezuela, Argentina, China, Cuba, Russia to self-determination breaking the economic centralization, the unipolarity of US imperialism and its new order of recovery of weakened power, either by new imperialist powers or by new political and economic powers that hinder its natural characteristic of imperialism to expansion and aggression.

Due to its national right, self-determination and sovereignty, it is not reactionary but neither is it revolutionary per se, except on the condition that progress is made in the world socialist revolution and mediation with the regional socialist federations, such as those that should exist between Cuba and Venezuela, for example, to confront the offensive of imperialism and its military and sabotaging blockade and siege against these nations.

We have put Trotsky’s position then on the dimension of a globalized world now, where there are no weak nations but strong nations, but not imperialists and even at least with many doubts that they are already restored capitalist nations or full bourgeois states. But the essence of Trotsky’s approach at that time fits in with the current scenario.

The text, if you have the pleasure of reading it, remains in some expressions such as the need for a democratic United Europe or the United States of Europe: “The United States of Europe, without monarchy, without permanent armies and without secret diplomacy, constitutes the most important part of the proletarian peace program. But we can only place this in the context of what would later be the Transitional Program drafted by Trotsky. However, in the same writing Trotsky specifies that democratic slogan of the United States of Europe in transition to socialism:

“The republican democratic union of Europe, a union truly capable of guaranteeing free national development, is only possible through the revolutionary struggle against militarism, imperialism, dynastic centralism, through revolts in each country and the convergence of all these uprisings in a European revolution. The triumphant European revolution, independently of its course in the different countries and in the absence of other revolutionary classes, can only transmit power to the proletariat. And thus, the United States of Europe is the only conceivable form of the dictatorship of the European proletariat.

So, our policy of defence of Russia in the face of US imperialist aggression and expansion is not only explained by its need to directly resume capitalist restoration in Russia, not allowing the process of constituting a national bourgeoisie, of pulverizing the remnants of the workers’ state. In its expression of the army or armed forces that, although they changed their name, did not change their structural base: a military state bureaucracy that, deformed or degenerated, is still marked by its origin in the Red Army. Those Armed Forces must be liquidated in order to establish a bourgeois state and clean up the former workers’ state. It is a temporary situation because either due to the military defeat of the Russian Army or due to the development of a strong national bourgeoisie and the restoration of capitalism, the current Russian Army will have to disappear when one of these restorationist modalities prevails.

What prospects does this war have?

We frame this war in the offensive of North American and European imperialism with NATO as a coalition military force, as a reactionary war for the recovery of the weakened power of North American imperialism in the face of two main threats, defined by the United States itself: Russia and China.

It is the continuation of the Second World War in its court against the USSR and the conquests of the defeat of German and Japanese imperialism. Currently the USSR does not exist, but there is a degenerated and deformed workers’ state in the process of capitalist restoration and a former Russian workers’ state, which struggles to become a bourgeois state and restore capitalism by creating and consolidating a national bourgeoisie, with the dynamic logic that It would have that when it is consolidated, which is to become not only a capitalist but an imperialist country for the Eurasian zone but, we insist, both cases are in transition or in process, it is not yet achieved or closed.

Before capitalism is definitively restored and a strong national bourgeoisie is established in each of these states, US imperialism intends to convert the progress it made in the 1980s and 1990s (with the dissolution of the USSR and the relationship of forces of the end of the Second World War expressed in the bipolar world of peaceful coexistence, institutionalized in the United Nations), in an affirmation and consolidation of unipolar power.

After the dissolution of the USSR, US imperialism has not been able to sustain this result of taking unipolarity, because the former Soviet bureaucracy did not accept the rushed and liquidating restorationist course of its own existence and went on the counteroffensive building what is today Russia and which we have already addressed before. Also, due to the chronic crisis or exhaustion of imperialist capitalism, new powers have emerged, and others have recovered. The main one has been China, which, as a product of the Law of Combined and Uneven Development, taking advantage of planning and social property as a result of its sui generis socialist revolution, modified the concept of socialism in a single country, not developing a closed economy but rather outsourcing the capitalist world market with the turn of the modernization of 1978 and combining the very strong attraction of foreign investment, developing its own industrialization and penetrating, as German imperialism did in the past by not having colonies, with an aggressive placement and meteoric domination of merchandise around the world.

Such a transformation of China and others like India that also carried out similar “modernizations” and with a Russia that took advantage of its enormous energy potential and developments inherited from the former USSR, especially in the powerful nuclear asset and industrial scientific and technological development in many strategic branches, especially in the military and space, forces the US that thought, by omitting the component force of bipolarity and the “end of history”, to become the dominant power of “Globalization” and affirmation of its unipolarity or imperialist hegemonism.

It is important here to deal with the case of Europe and the main one, that of German imperialism. We will not deal with English imperialism, which plays as a secondary partner of the North American enlisted against German imperialism. Germany has been the imperialist power that has benefited from the European Union and as a secondary imperialist power tries to develop and not be drowned by US imperialism. Its policy has been to seek alliances with China and Russia in the face of a future confrontation to unseat US imperialism. The German bourgeoisie relied so much on this strategy of alliances that in energy it sought to ensure its supply from Russia and in industrial and commercial matters with China. Opportunistic alliances and not blocks yet. That would explain for us its ambiguity in this NATO war against Russia and explains the strong pressure from Russia and from European imperialisms related to the North American. But all this regarding Europe requires more research and work so that it does not remain as a speculative hypothesis.

Imperialism makes calculations and is determined to take over Russia first, either by defeating her or leading her to capitulation. With this war, they use Ukraine as a military force and participate in the financing and provision of weapons and logistics without having to resort to an open war involving NATO for now. Take care not to move to a conflict of a nuclear nature that would end the framework of control and administration of the capitalist chronic crisis and would open an uncertain period of dystopia, apocalyptic and triumphant post-nuclear barbarism (although this perspective cannot be ruled out). Precisely because of the agony of the imperialist bourgeoisie and its system but it does not yet appear as the decision to be taken by the whole of the imperialist bourgeoisie.

With the economic blockade, the political isolation, the neutralization of China and other powers, the support of its Ukrainian armed wing and the contradictions within the half-measures of the former Soviet bureaucracy that continues to bet on achieving the “dissuasion” agreed with a negotiation that ensures the brake on the expansion of NATO, the neutrality of Ukraine, as well as putting the territories of Donbass and even Crimea up for negotiation (some formula of agreement or extension of the dispute diplomatically), US imperialism and its partners escalate and they prolong the conflict by increasing their pressures either to achieve a draw or a Russian defeat in Ukraine, with the withdrawal of Russian troops and the end of the declared “Special Operation”.

Hence, Russia’s objectives of gaining control up to the borders of Donbass are its axis by failing to divide the Ukrainian regime and government with the initial actions of the Operation to guarantee the aforementioned objectives. The demilitarization and denazification are relative. While it is true that Russia and the military forces of the Donbass have dealt heavy defeats to the Nazi battalions, Nazism as a national ideology not only remains but also expands as Russophobia and anti-Soviet history of liberation from the Nazis, in the nations of the former USSR and former Eastern Europe and even in other parts of the world. It is impossible to crush denazification if its matrix, which is the imperialist bourgeois power and system, is not eliminated. Demilitarization on its part is not a fact either, since Ukraine is being rearmed and it will be even more so even if an agreement is imposed and even if it is favourable or partially favourable on paper with the guarantees that Russia demands.

However, if Russia manages not only to liberate the territory of Donbass and to hold it without submitting it to negotiation, it would be a tremendous blow to imperialism and would delay a major and even nuclear confrontation for a while. The illusion in a polycentric or multipolar world encouraged by the former Soviet bureaucracies and the Chinese bureaucracy, as well as other powers and nations of a bourgeois nationalist nature, has no chance and is a total chimera. US imperialism and imperialism in general continue today more than ever in a delirious concentration of capital and a necessary sweep and redefinition of Competitors. The Third World War or its prolegomena have already begun, and it will be in the military field that the “new world order” will be resolved.

In this sense, the Covid pandemic of two years ago and the policies and positioning of the imperialist powers and forces in the face of this phenomenon should be located. Given that a jump was triggered in the concentration of capital and the destruction of productive force similar to what happens in a war and a blow of enormous dimensions was dealt to the masses, not only economically, but also politically in terms of their democratic rights in the imposition of Bonapartist and fascist forms of pandemic management and economic and social measures. Terror was implanted as a demobilization mechanism, disproportionate because a nuclear war that is not so far away is more real and threatening than the deadly consequences of the Covid pandemic. But this is still a topic that is not separated from an analysis of the World Situation but that would have to be discussed and developed.

No to the neo-Nazi war of NATO and the imperialist coalition, led by the US and articulated by the Ukrainian Army, against the self-determination of Russia and Donbass.

For the defence of Russia, against sanctions and blockades, neo-Nazi Russophobia and for the military triumph of the liberation forces of Donbass.

Only socialism and the defeat of imperialism at the world level is the way out of the nuclear barbarism to which imperialism leads humanity.

We are on the side of Russia and for the defeat of the NATO forces and their army of neo-fascist Ukrainian cannon fodder. Russia’s defence of the self-determination of nations against imperialist organic expansion and aggression extends to the territories of Donbass and Crimea. The Donbass in the last 8 years (with Georgia and Chechnya imperialism had made its tests) suffered the offensive escalation against Russia, imperialism had made Ukraine and turned it into a spearhead to advance more threateningly towards the most important centres of Russia, deploying a war of extermination of the Russian population and making use of this devastating and criminal task of neo-Nazism, so as not to directly show or demonstrate its responsibility in the offensive.

For this reason, our defence and military support to the Russian forces and the militias of Donetsk and Lugansk and for the victory over the Ukrainian and pro-Nazi or Nazi armed forces.

But we warn that no national independence and no improvement in the economic, social, cultural, and political situation of the workers and peoples can be achieved if workers’ and people’s power is not refounded and reconquered in the former USSR and in the former workers’ states of the East of Europe.

We also address the workers and peoples of the European countries that are within NATO or that participate within the European Union in this war against Russia so that they develop a defeatist program for their own governments and military forces. So that, following the example of popular sectors like the Bulgarians and in other countries like Greece and others, they demand that their governments not send weapons to Ukraine and withdraw support for that neo-fascist government and for the offensive and initiative of Yankee imperialism that has dragged to war the European nations against Russia. Peace, as the woman in the reference with which we began this writing said, is the military triumph over the war that the US and its squire Ukraine are carrying out against Russia. Even if it is a temporary and relative peace.

The European and North American rulers and those who in other latitudes support this war against Russia, are responsible for deepening the economic crisis, the increase in prices and shortages of goods, as well as the impoverishment of broad masses due to the sanctions carried out against Russia. Unconditional lifting of sanctions and peace with Russia. Neither weapons to Ukraine nor sanctions to Russia, that is Peace. The war against Russia pushes the world towards a nuclear war if we don’t stop it and if the US advances and/or wins.

Footnotes:

(1) The reason for this situation, Putin posits, at least in part, is “the futile attempt in the past decade to transplant Western liberal ideas to Russian soil” (Financial Time, 2000).

Hence, although Yeltsin’s stage consisted of the dismantling of the institutions inherited from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the looting against society and the economy, through the privatization process, which benefited a circle of former Soviet officials, today called oligarchs; the economic and social decline resulting from these processes, together with the advances of the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the geopolitical sphere, now threatened the Russian Federation itself. Once again, powerful state institutions were necessary to defend the national interest. It is no coincidence that Putin also proposed the Chinese model in this document, as a kind of pattern to follow, since the Chinese bureaucracy has been restoring capitalism, with much more determination than the Kremlin, but unlike it, China has kept its old state apparatus, the Army and the secret police and independence in its foreign policy course:

 “… the Russian President had to take this path at first. However, as in the Chinese case, to balance Western influence, Putin has the objective that the Russian State play a determining role in the Russian economy, since he is clear that Russians living in poverty could not survive the demands of the free market, so for Putin, the recovery of the Russian economy has as its main strategy the control of Russian-Western joint ventures over resources and the economy and at the same time, he hopes that the number of Russian businessmen of a nationalist cut grows. In addition, at that time, President Putin very clearly laid out a project for the economic revival of Russia, which Yeltsin’s two presidential terms brought to the brink of disaster, in economic and social terms, and to the danger of the disintegration of the national territory. ”

Notebooks on International Relations, Regionalism and Development / Vol. 5. No. 10. July-December 2010 The rise of Vladimir Putin and the pursuit of Russia’s national interest Ana Teresa Gutiérrez del Cid

Consistent Democrats/LCFI (Great Britain): Ian Donovan

The conflict between Nazi Germany and the USSR in World War 2 was a class war. It was a continuation of the war of intervention of 1918-21, which was waged by a 14-nation imperialist-led coalition including Britain, France, the US, Japan, Canada, Italy, Australia, Estonia, Romania, Greece, Poland, China, Czechoslovakia, and Serbia. Its aim was simply to crush and defeat the Russian Revolution.

This has always been the strategic aim of imperialist capitalism in its interventions around the world, to stamp on the very possibility of the overthrow of capitalism, and to defeat or even destroy any nation or people whose working class succeeds in expropriating the capitalists.

Note that Germany played no role in that coalition, though it had earlier intervened against the revolution in its own right in the immediate aftermath of October, and forced the Bolsheviks to temporarily cede territory, mainly in Ukraine, in the peace of Brest-Litovsk.

This only lasted until Germany surrendered to the forces of the triple entente in WWI, after which the Bolsheviks hastened to recover the territory ceded. However, they then had to fight the other imperialists who defeated Germany.

Inter-imperialist conflict consumed European capitalism throughout the whole of the first part of the twentieth century. This is because Britain had been the world capitalist hegemon in the 19th Century, and had through that effectively become imperialist world hegemon when capitalism became characterized by monopolies and the division of the whole world between capitalist great powers.

But it was a weak world hegemon, as it was already in relative decline when it gained that position.

Yet it is clear that, even though German imperialism was the rival imperialism that was in prolonged dispute with the then-world hegemon, British imperialism, their enmity to the British empire and its allies was not as fundamental as it was to the working class and the Russian revolution.

Hitler’s main purpose for the ruling class was to destroy the labour movement at home, as part of crushing the working class internationally. This meant destroying Bolshevism and the Russian Revolution. This is very clear from his writings and speeches.

It is also clear that this aspect of Hitler’s politics had the fervent sympathy of arch British imperialists such as Churchill, who only feared Hitler would also lay his hands on the British Empire. This was true generally of Hitler’s rivals.

The Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936 between Germany and imperial Japan, later joined by fascist Italy, was the clear forerunner of NATO. It had the same purpose – the destruction of the Russian Revolution and all that flowed from it.

But the issue of world hegemony had not at that point been resolved. It took World War II for the US to finally replace Britain’s weak hegemon with a massively stronger one. That was the issue that had to be resolved to fully unify imperialism against the USSR.

The barbaric nature of the attack on the USSR by Hitler, with the destruction of tens of millions of its people through scorched earth, exterminationist massacres, was only different in scale from the massacres (so far) of US imperialism. It was not different in kind.

In Vietnam and Korea, the US fought to drive back social revolutions that challenged capitalism, and their techniques of doing so were very similar to those of Hitler. They would like to have been able to do similar things in China but were too late to make a serious attempt to stop it.

But the nuclear threats against China during the Korean war were of a similar type. The strategies of the most radical Stalinist guerrilla factions were not centred on the working class, but rather a ‘prolonged people’s war’ based on a peasant insurgency. However, the imperialists learned the hard way that this could also sometimes lead to the abolition of capitalism.

The imperialist response to ‘people’s war’ in such conflicts was to exterminate the people. That echoed the bloody counterrevolution of the Nazis.

In a sense, the US hegemony subsumed both British imperialism’s world hegemony and the Third Reich, and many of the clients of both. They made use of personnel from the Third Reich to rebuild West Germany as a bastion of NATO – personified in General Gehlen, who led West German intelligence after doing the same for Hitler.

They also made considerable use of Nazi allies and clients throughout East Europe after WWII – the ‘captive nations’ crowd – including some of the deadliest killers and criminals, like Bandera in Ukraine, who was employed by the CIA to work politically against ‘communism’ in the East, until he was eliminated in 1958.

Even with the destruction of the USSR, the crusade against Communism continued. This crusade against Russia is a continuation of it. The resurrection of bourgeois support for Hitlerism in a crusade against Russia and all things Russian is a manifestation of the same thing. The expansion of NATO is part of the same purpose. Otherwise, what is NATO for?

How can this be? The Soviet workers state was destroyed in 1991. True, and a form of capitalist state was re-created.

However, one word of wisdom, derived from Marxism, was from the former Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai, was when in the early 1970s he was asked “what was the historical significance of the 1789 French Revolution?” He replied that “It’s much too early to say”.

A remarkable quip. However, you can certainly say the same thing about the August Coup and the 1991 counterrevolution in the USSR. And the other counterrevolutions, particular in China etc. Its much too early to say how sustainable capitalist restoration is. Imperialism suspects it is not sustainable.

They have good reason to suspect this from the history of bourgeois revolutions. Recall that the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, and the Restoration of the Bourbons in France, did NOT succeed in restoring the feudal order.

The imperialists fear the same will prove to be true in Russia and China, that capitalist restoration will prove unsustainable, and that Communism will revive. They even see Putin as in some way an expression of that, with his retreats from neo-liberalism.

That is why Nazism is being revived and rehabilitated today.

We must acknowledge the continuity between today’s war drive against Russia, with Operation Barbarossa and the intervention against the Bolshevik revolution.

We must renew our solidarity with Russia against Nazism and these war threats just as we did in previous generations.

Fernando Ximenes, Member of Komite Esperansa (East Timor)

False Unity and Eroticism of Contemporary Super-Imperialism: The Tasks of the Anti-Imperialist Left

The dreams of Western imperialism after World War II and the ‘end of history’ enigmatic-thesis after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 promised a more general happiness. A tolerant multicultural cosmopolitanism has oppositely led into a transcontinental alliance of imperial ethno-nationalism. Is this not reflecting in the peak of xenophobic, racist, white-supremacist Euro-Atlantic modernity and recent intensification of NATO and AUKUS-directing process of identity and otherness toward Russia East and China’s south as archaic, ignorant, savage, backward that need to be implanted Western with democratic civility and free market neoliberal capitalism? This all serves the goals of accumulation at world scale and empire-building. 

Hence the process of otherness, belonging, loyalty, duty or all the fascistic and authoritarian elements of culture has embedded within the essence of imperialism and manifested as a dominant form of its expansion across the world. Therefore, fascism and authoritarianism is not an extension of capitalism, outside of it, it is rather, an inherent essence of capitalist imperialism.

This all to say that, growing imperialist eroticism has fuelled their inflammatory passion to construct otherness and their inevitable needs to dominate. Behind all these madness lies the ‘erotic energies’ of capital required to settle and rule everywhere – narcissistic requirements of the ruling oligopolies of the centre. The more expansionist, aggressive and global repression toward sovereignty state of the South is rooted in the over-expanding conflict and contradiction within the inter-imperial order itself. The long economic depression followed with hysterical frustration of the imperialist states that fomented permanent aggression and of course, growing risk of third global war. Thus, the ongoing US-lead global imperialist war on Russia and China was founded by long sustained relations of domination and subordination between the imperialist states. I referred to this case as false unity of imperialism.

Since the middle of twenty century, the US has not only waged war, pillaging, plundering, intervening, and dominating the third world of Latin America, Asia, and Africa, but also an economic war against Europe – for the current crisis in Ukraine, US has turned the allies to engage in war that will be paid for with the preservation of their submission to US command, and paid with the prices for US strategy of empire-building.

The recent US-led NATO war against Russia aimed at China as well. The strategy of isolating China is not just simply by destabilizing and removing Russia from China in making a counter-hegemonic alliance, but it is also serving to block the EU from making a stable mutual trade with China and Russia. This will open the chances to prevent the greater Eurasian prosperity and multipolarity without US leadership, that’s including the prevention of further China-promoting Belt and Road Initiative.

In another, to destabilize Russia, to topple the existing regime in the Kremlin, is to continue to recycle it back into a client peripheral capitalist state serving the US-imperialist triad strategic goals, ways that will further isolate, weaken and again, turn China into a backward periphery status, complement US and western monopoly needs for capital accumulation and empire-building. In short, the anti-hegemonic coalition of China, Russia and the third world socialist democratic regime aims at creating an alternative non-neoliberal world without NATO and US central command.

It is important to note, Russia is not an imperialist state that engages in inter-imperialist war, or partitioned world territorial division. To label countries as imperialist simply with ‘exporting capital’ is flawed, very non-dialectic, since most of the countries, even poorer third world countries are also exporting capital. So, in all, it is an inter-imperialist alliance of US-West Europe-Japan war against the anti-imperialist front of China-Russia and other global south countries.

In this, I would like to call for all the peace-loving anti-hegemonic countries, to all socialist states, and all the peoples of the Global South and working-class struggle in the North to struggle in order to recover the popular and democratic sovereignty by delinking from imperialist neoliberal economic order and more importantly, to de-dollarize the economy. That’s because the international monetary system based on the dollar as a world reserve, its will to provide credit and taxing across the world, to impose austerity, sanction, or a more general economic line of Washington Consensus, is the foundation of US economic imperialism coupled with military form of imperialism. 

To de-dollarize is critical to the international class of struggle among capital and labour, people of the South with the North monopolies. Since the US cannot run out of money, it can print all the money, and it can recycle all the dollars that it has pumped into the world economy. Once they can recycle back into the US treasury bonds as monetary and savings (foreign countries buying US treasury securities with US dollar) will ended up financing US spending abroad, its balance of payments deficit, in short, subsidizing the US global militarization by investing billions of dollars to military expenditure and military bases in all the continents. This historical fact is central to US imperialism since 1972, and it started to end since the US decided to seize the Russian assets, and we expect many more third world countries will decide to stop depositing or disinvesting in the US anymore, from now on.

That’s all because, US has moved from world ‘creditor-state’ to ‘debtor-state’ that makes all nations pay for its government policies abroad – that’s because we live in dollarized neoliberal imperialism. So, by maintaining the dollar-based international monetary order, we are doomed to participate in US global war, intervention, occupation, proxies and domination toward the third world countries, to topple down the socialist state and sovereignty anti-hegemonic state such as Russia. We are participating in financing US continuing militarization of the world, its worldwide invention of fascistic and right-wing counter-revolutionary regime across the world. We are financing the military base and operations that keep us in check, subjugation.

For now, the US’s oil, agriculture, financial and arms-industrial monopolies have benefited more from the sanctions. The recent drop of production, supply or energies export by Russia will affect the ‘accumulation of world scale’, but it will underdevelop many third world countries, a condition that will enable imperialist economic diplomacy to impose neoliberal austerity, structural adjustment, debts and so on. But now, it also led to blowback consequences, boomerang to the West. More countries are protesting and resisting western sanctions. In fact, the US has lost all wars it has initiated in the beginning of the twenty first century. Michael Hudson have claimed “the era of military occupation is over. The mode of control is financial”. That is why, the alternative to build a world without the US dollar presented by China and Russia is intolerable.

Comrades, we cannot have peace and socialism under financial imperialism, and to achieve both under the tyranny of imperialism is totally absurd. In addition, you also cannot have development and democracy without socialism – the democracy of the West aims to eternalize the regime of private property and endless accumulation for the 1%. It is a democracy that is empowering the minority financial tyranny in which few predatory oligarchies select the candidates for the masses to exercise their five minutes democratic power to elect the representative of industrial, oil and finance oligarchies for executive power. That is totally a false option, and that’s the essence of democracy in triad imperialist countries such as the US, Japan, and Western Europe. 

The US, the “guarding of world peace and democracy” has almost a century, been inventing and arming the right-wing, fascist, and Islamic jihadist to fight against the secular, people and proletarian state of East and South. From backing Suharto’s fascist war to crush the PKI in Indonesia since 1965, and FRETILIN in East Timor in 1975, from financing extremist Jihadists against the Soviet Union during the 1980s that gave birth to Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, to the recent ISIS war against the Syrian regime, and so on. This has been continued in Ukraine against Russia, by utilizing the right-wing neoliberal regime and militia Nazism in Ukraine to play the US-NATO grand-strategy and oppressing the people. 

Since the World War II, US military and intelligence operations have been directed to restore former Nazi elements and sustained a permanent Nazification of a reactionary mass since the first decade of the twentieth century for its fight of destabilization against Russia. The Nazi and right-wing forces armed by US-NATO are also oppressing the forces of socialism in Ukraine. They not only oppress the political left but also brutally sustained ethnically-based violence against Russian speaking people and people who resist Western neoliberalism in Ukraine. This reflects the total mechanism of the US war machine aimed at crushing the progressive mass popular movement and regimes in the world by using the most reactionary, conservative, and fascistic element in the society. So, the war in Ukraine forced us to choose between the anti-imperialist/anti-fascist camp, or to side with imperialist-fascist alliance co-opted with liberal lofty humanism and pseudo-critics of the most puritan western Leftist. I would like to quote my comrade Humberto Rodrigues in our email chat that, “Soon, everything will become more explicit and each one will adopt a side”

During the years, the dominant line and approach of US imperialism in Latin America and Asia is through economic aggression and domination, while the predominant form in the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia is by militarism, either by military invasion, occupation, intervention, proxies, war, coup, covert intelligence operations, and nuclear deterrence etc. But to engage in both Russia and China, US approaches characterized as the mobilization of its total instruments and integral aspects of economic-military imperialism in its art of war. It is the ‘proxies war’ that serving the strategic economic interest of empire-building: that is by continuing destabilization and encroachment of anti-empire state of the East and South such as Russia and China; of reinforcing the accumulation of capital at world scale while sustaining austerity, privatisation of common resources and underdevelopment across the Global South and internal colonisation in the centre; of protecting international capitalist property and business interest; preserving the US monetary imperialist order and reconstitution of its global hegemonic power: in short, preserving US’s unipolar world and illegitimate rule-based order marked with a generalized exploitation and permanent oppression of the peoples of the world, and not to count, despoliation of planetary ecology. It is also vice versa with the economic sanctions, of continuing war of economy against Russia and its Rouble, to China’s Yuan, and to subjugated Euro in order to preserve the geopolitical advantages, militarisation of the world and global apartheid under US military supremacy, so that the Pentagon will draw the world map “after its own image”, as Karl Marx has pointed out in the Communist Manifesto.

To end, I would like to quote Michael Hudson here. As he said, “without such understanding (of 1932-1933 and 1972-1973 where the later, US using IMF, World Bank and its international economic, military and MNCs diplomacy to create a dollar standard, and turned allies to paid for US war, become a foundation of US imperialism modus operandi), no post-dollar can be created”. Since 1932, 1972, and now in 2022, shows a continued march of US empire-building based on dollar hegemony, and Western imperialists have globalized its war of oppression, plunder and pillaging the third world more penetrative. We are living in the very dangerous time, and we have entered the most reactionary time, a new cold war politics of war against all is reflected in the imperialist triad war of economy-ideology-military against China and Russia, a war between the forces of barbarity against socialism, between the most predatory, ‘vampire-like’ of neoliberal “financial capitalism” versus “industrial market socialism” led by China. 

The Ukraine crisis is not about Russia’s war against Ukraine. It’s a war of two systems, a war (economic war) that will not come to end in the next year or years to come. It is a war that will shape a new global economic system. World economic systems are facing ‘tectonic shifts’ and the transition has just started. Hence, in 1975, Nicolau Lobato, a leader of nationalist revolutionary movement of FRETILIN in Timor-Leste said “a great leap forward to our liberation is irreversible”. Hence, there is a fundamental shift in the world economic system, the horizon of world socialism is much closer to us now, decades ahead than ever.

My dear comrades, see you either in hell or communism!

Tendencia Militante Bolchevique/LCFI (Argentina): German Ezequiel

We are from the Bolshevik Militant Tendency of Argentina, the Argentine section of the Liaison Committee for the Fourth International.

We have been in the Workers’ Party and the Bolshevik Party for the Fourth International of Argentina.

We are formed in the principle of the defencism of the workers’ states, such as Cuba and North Korea and of all the countries oppressed by imperialism, especially those considered cursed by imperialism such as Venezuela, Iran and Yemen.

The Bolshevik Militant Tendency as such was formed in 2011 on the basis of opposition to the interventions of imperialism as in Libya and Syria and imperialist coups as in Honduras, Paraguay, Guatemala, Ukraine, Brazil and Bolivia.

Today, the offensive of the imperialist blocs constituted by the Anglo-Saxon, European and Japanese blocs, against the bloc of oppressed countries, nucleated around China and Russia, forces the latter to promote, objectively, an anti-imperialist united front, beyond the bourgeois character of the governments of these countries.  Only internationalist communists can turn this defensive resistance into revolutionary defencism.  Today we need to defend the Eurasian bloc against NATO and AUKUS and defend the proletarian and socialist revolution within that bloc. On the right wing of the world Anti-Imperialist United Front (AIUF) that is being formed are the governments of Russia and China themselves. On the left wing of this AIUF are the people’s republics of Donbass.

Today in the war against Nazism and imperialism we are facing the historic opportunity for a new regroupment of the international vanguard.

The transition stage from concurrent to monopolistic capital in the period that includes the Austro-Prussian War, and the Franco-Prussian War gave the context in which the First International was formed and the Paris Commune became the first workers’ government in history.

The First World War created in the context from Zimmerwald, to the first victorious socialist revolution and gave way to the formation of the Third International, the Communist International.

The trends leading to the Second World War gave rise to the Fourth International.

The victory over Nazism, which we commemorate today, and the victory over imperialism in the post-war decolonization processes in which the anti-imperialist united fronts did not degenerate into popular fronts in several countries gave rise to a belt of workers’ states such as China, Yugoslavia, Cuba, Vietnam, East Europe including Albania, which together gathered 1/3 of the world population.  In that context that Stalinism even formally liquidated the Third International, and the Fourth International was also liquidated between opportunism and sectarianism.

Well, today, the tendencies that push the third world war generate conditions and contradictions that favour an international regroupment by the currents that do not give in to imperialism, just as in Zimmerwald they did not give in to social-chauvinism.

Today, faced with the proxy war of imperialism through the Nazi government in Kiev against Russia, conditions are being created for an international regroupment.

In this sense, not giving in today to the imperialist offensive is comparable to not giving in to the social democratic degeneration that became social-chauvinist before the First World War.

In the struggle against imperialism we are for the unconditional defence of all countries attacked by the economic, military, political or diplomatic war of the system of big international finance capital.

We believe that these are the guiding principles at the international level on which the future international regroupment will be constituted, of which this meeting will be a historical antecedent.

Today we commemorate the day of victory against Nazism just as today we speak out against the neo-Nazi regime in Kiev in its proxy war of imperialism against Russia, the industrial working class, and the Russian-speaking part as well as the national minorities in Ukraine itself. We are aware that the resistance of the bourgeois leaderships of the Eurasian bloc to imperialism and Nazi-fascism, is not enough. It is not enough because of the very bourgeois class content they have.

It is in this context that we advance in an international regroupment that unites the defencism of the workers’ states, with the struggle against Nazi-fascism and the struggle against imperialism, having as its guide the permanent revolution against capitalism.

Mike Gimbel (USA)

The entire world’s future is being determined in the Ukraine!

I thank the organizers of this forum for inviting me to speak at this critical moment in history.

All communists, around the world must rally behind the struggle against US/NATO sponsored fascism! A little history is needed to understand the war in the Ukraine

There is a bourgeois myth, promoted by much of the communist movement, that US and UK imperialism were not only allies of the Soviet Union in World War II, but in fact were the good imperialists vs. the bad imperialists of Germany, Japan, and Italy.

That these ‘good imperialists’ only became bad imperialist after WWII.

Did US imperialism only become bad imperialists when they dropped the nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and initiated the Cold War? Of course not!

In creating the structure of Nazi Germany, Hitler used the model of US imperialism’s massacre of the tens of millions of its native peoples and used the US segregation laws as a model for the fascist Nuremburg laws.

Yet millions of would-be communists continue to be fed the nonsense of the good imperialists in WWII, and this nonsense is being promoted by our fellow communist organizations!

This is the greatest ideological service possible of aid to the corporate propaganda of the imperialists and shamefully done by our own communists!

It is necessary for our communist movement to understand why WWII happened and how US imperialism was the world’s greatest imperialist power before WWII and how it used its economic power to strangle the UK and France and all of Europe and Japan, which, in turn, crashed the capitalist world market and drove the world into that bloody world war!

The hundred million dead in WWII must be laid at the doorstep of US Imperialism!

The oppressed cannot understand today without understanding how we got to here.

The Cold War, after WWII, was a worldwide class war which did not end with the tragic overthrow of the Soviet Union. Every worker and every oppressed nation suffered a huge defeat when the Soviet Union was overthrown.

The capitalist rulers, led by US imperialism, saw the overthrow of the Soviet Union as a way to take back all the concessions won by the workers and the oppressed, while the USSR existed.

The worldwide class war, which was called the Cold War intensified dramatically, after the USSR was overthrown, as US led imperialism went on a bloody rampage, destroying small nations, one after another, but came up to a brick wall, when trying to overthrow China, Russia, and Iran.

US-led imperialism had utilized economic sanctions as its preferred weapon against all the oppressed nations, but the sanctions has not worked in regard to breaking the resistance of China, Russia and Iran.

The opposite has happened:

China, Russia, and Iran have been driven closer together, for their own self-protection and this alliance of resistance is inspiring the oppressed all around the world.

The unity of China, Russia and Iran is causing panic in capitalist ruling circles!

US-led imperialist control of the world capitalist market, ever since the end of WWII, has depended on worldwide acceptance of the US dollar as equivalent to gold.

China’s industrial base, however, is already far larger than the US industrial base and China’s Belt and Road initiative is beginning to dislodge the grip of US imperialist power all over the world.

China, together with Russia and Iran, has become the primary threat to the dominance of US-led imperialism.

If US imperialism cannot break the China, Russia, Iran alliance, it will face a run on the dollar, which is only backed by faith and threats and the US military, not gold.

US-led imperialism sees the writing on the wall. Its very existence is threatened.

The war in the Ukraine has suddenly turned the Cold War into a Hot War as Russia said: “Enough is enough” “You backed us into a corner and we’ll fight you and defeat you!”

There can be no misunderstanding:

The fates of the oppressed nations, under the thumb of US imperialism, is closely tied to the result of the war in the Ukraine.

A victory for US imperialism would be a disaster for the oppressed all over the world, while a victory for the Donbass and Russia will open wide the possibility for every oppressed nation to free itself and for workers around the world to rise up against capitalist attempts to impose austerity.

Unfortunately, as in the past, many comrades and communist organizations have helped US-led imperialism to confuse the masses with decades of nonsense attacking China and Russia as imperialists.

We see the result TODAY, of the fake communist ideological attacks on China and Russia, which only helps the corporate media spreads lies about the war in the Ukraine, and gullible leftists, having been propagandized against Russia and China, by our own comrades, quickly accept the corporate media lies.

This shameful ideological support for US-led imperialism must be fought!

The result of the Ukraine war is that a line has been drawn between real communists, who support the Russian anti-NATO and anti-fascist intervention in the Ukraine, between those, on the left, who are continuing to serve the propaganda needs of US-led imperialism by opposing the Russian intervention.

Our movement, TODAY, faces the same internal contradiction, as occurred during the outbreak of WWI, with the collapse of the 2nd international.

Our movement has clearly diverted onto separate roads: a Marxist road and a bourgeois road.

My question to all the viewers:

The overthrow of the Soviet Union was the greatest defeat of our class in human history.

Can we create the basis for a new Zimmerwald type conference, that can become the basis of a revival of the world communist movement?

Is that not our duty as communists to try to create a new communist international?

I think it is possible to begin the process of doing this. Don’t you?

Where there is a will, there is a way!

Onwards to a new communist international!

Consistent Democrats’ Website Under Attack from imperialist hackers

We are under attack from hackers. Its rather obvious why as our small group, the British Section of the LCFI, has stood out sharply against the war drive and in defence of the people of the Donbass and Russia, against the Western-backed proxy war utilising outright Nazis, since the beginning. And we have been outspoken about these issues both since our founding in early 2020 and previously as part of earlier British LCFI group, Socialist Fight, since Maidan and earlier.

In the last day we had over 1500 attempts to hack our website. Gradually accelerating over the last fortnight. Clearly the hackers have a problem with free speech for anti-imperialists. Well we are not going to be hacked out of existence. Whoever the hackers are, they are afraid of what we are saying.

We know the current British government doesnt like dissent. Its worth pondering what the relationship between the government and these attackers might be.

Lutfur Rahman Vindicated: Storms Back to be Mayor of Tower Hamlets

Lutfur Rahman was decisively elected as mayor of Tower Hamlets after the second round of voting

The decisive victory of Lutfur Rahman in winning back the Mayor’s position in Tower Hamlets is an insipring act of political insurgency by the electorate of Tower Hamlets and a serious political blow to the Tory/Zionist and Blairite forces that ousted him in 2015, exposing their corruption, racism and anti-democratic nature. It is very gratifying to see the anti-Muslim racist former Mayor John Biggs decisively thrown out of office. Rahman only narrowly failed to be elected purely on first preference votes: on both rounds he massively defeated Biggs by 40,804 votes to 33,487. All the racist innuendos about suppossed fraud were swept away as this election took place under unprecedented police supervision, exposing all the allegations that there was something somehow illegitimate about Rahman’s previous election victories as smears driven by racist hatred for the Tower Hamlets electorate.

Biggs’ racist record includes banning the cyclists’ Big Ride for Palestine fundraising event for humanitarian aid from holding its closing rally in Tower Hamlets because its attacks on Israeli apartheid and ethnic cleansing breached the racist Anti-Palestinian psuedo-definition of ‘anti-Semitism’ put about by the so-called ‘International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’. This is a Zionist body whose purpose is to exploit the memory of the Nazi holocaust to suppress and smear support for Palestinian rights, and which by a series of amalgams (its vaunted ‘examples’) seeks to equate criticism of Israel as a racist endeavour (which it clearly is) with denial of the Nazi holocaust. This vile racism is one of many by Biggs as an illegitimate Mayor who was only in office because Rahman was barred from standing on a fraudulent basis. At the first opportunity they got, the anti-racist electorate of Tower Hamlets, including its large Bengali Muslim community, threw Biggs out on his arse in favour of Lutfur Rahman.

This is the militant working class anti-imperialist base that elected George Galloway in 2005, and which later elected the independent Muslim mayor Rahman, whose democratically expressed wishes were overruled by the racist, imperialist parties like those of a colonised population in the days of the British Raj . Now the chickens of racism, Islamophobia and warmongering are coming home to roost.

Congratulations to Lutfur Rahman!


The article below was distributed by Communist Explorations, one of the political forerunners of the Consistent Democrats, as a leaflet in London in April 2015. It has certainly stood the test of time, and was totally vindicated yesterday.

Solidarity With Tower Hamlets Against Neocon/Zionist Coup!

Ten years ago, the working class and oppressed of Tower Hamlets, including many of Muslim/South Asian migrant descent or background, struck an important political blow at imperialism and the Iraq War. They did this by electing George Galloway as MP for Bethnal Green and Bow in the 2005 General Election, for the left-wing anti-war RESPECT party.

That was very alarming to the rulers of this country, because Galloway had been expelled from Labour for taking a heroic position on the Iraq War, effectively calling for the Arab world to resist the Bush/Blair-led imperialist invasion by force.

This was meaningful dissent against capitalism and imperialism, not the tame kind epitomised by the usual pale pinks of the Labour left, nor even today by the tame social-democratic ‘dented shield’ of Ed Miliband, which consists of little more than pleading with the bosses for less severe austerity to avoid social explosions later.

Now the bosses are seeking revenge against the electorate of Tower Hamlets. They have just overthrown the elected mayor of Tower Hamlets, the first Muslim mayor to be elected in Britain, by a legal coup. Yet Lutfur Rahman was elected as an independent:  unlike his opponents in Tower Hamlets, he had no national party machine behind him.

His opponents have three: Tory, Labour and Liberal Democrat, as well as the power of the British state, and in addition, the input of the powerful ‘friends of Israel’ factions of all three political parties, whose political influence and international connections in importing Israeli-style attacks on people with a Muslim culture are considerable.

In a complex history intertwined with the crisis of the left, RESPECT in Tower Hamlets disintegrated, though it remains in other parts of the UK. But it left its mark, in a minority electorate that was ‘uppity’, that did not ‘know its place’ in racist capitalist Britain.

Even when RESPECT was supplanted by Labour, ‘uppity’ minorities rebelled and refused to accept ‘safe’ candidates imposed upon them, selecting their own instead. When Labour’s neocons cracked down on them in the usual way, they refused to accept it, Rahman stood as an independent and won – twice, splitting Labour in TH to create a less radical opposition than RESPECT, but still an opposition.

Now the immigrant-bashers and Muslim-baiters in the major parties have ‘legally’ overthrown this victory, declaring it fraudulent and null and void. The current General Election is the cosmetic face of democracy in Britain today. Once in every five years or so, working class people get to vote on who will administer the state machine that really serves those who exploit and oppress us.

The political space to even do this had to be fought for and produced many martyrs for basic political rights – and not just here. From the Chartists to the Suffragettes, to the movements for Civil Rights in America, Ireland, South Africa, to the Middle East today, demands for democracy are vitally important to all of us.

Capitalism and imperialism undermine democracy, and progressively do away with even the gains people have fought and died to achieve. We see that today, as even institutions like local government, which used to have some power in mitigating the worst effects of capitalism on working class people, has been hollowed out to the point of being a joke. The modern form of capitalism, known as neo-liberalism, means that more and more it is big money that calls the shots.

In Britain free speech is under attack more and more from the forces of neo-liberalism – capitalist reaction by another name. The traditional Tories and even Labourites at times have been no slouch at promoting racism to divide the working class, but in recent times they have been augmented with supporters of Zionism and Israel.

It’s no accident that Eric Pickles, the ‘Communities’ secretary who orchestrated the attack on Tower Hamlets elected representatives, is a stalwart of the ‘Conservative Friends of Israel’,  and was recently heavily involved in getting a planned academic conference at Southampton University, called to discuss the implications for ‘international law’ of Israel’s founding through the mass ethnic cleansing of the Arab majority population of Palestine, called off amid a plethora of smear and threats, including from pro-Zionist fascists like the EDL.

Nor is it an accident that at the same time that prodigies of exegesis are expended by the legal system to excuse an anti-democratic coup with allegations of corruption, an establishment Zionist MP like Greville Janner, a staunch supporter of Israel, was let off scot-free on grounds of supposed dementia from allegations of numerous child rapes, for which considerable evidence exists.

When anyone gets in the way, or succeeds in cocking a snook at this system, the bosses fight back furiously. These attacks threaten all of us; what is done against Muslims today can be used against others resisting the bosses’ attacks tomorrow.

We, the working class of all colours and creeds, migrant and non-migrant, must resist this with equal, indeed stronger determination.

SOLIDARITY WITH TOWER HAMLETS! DOWN WITH THE COUP – RESTORE THE ELECTED MAYOR!

May 9, 1945: Nazism was defeated by the Red Army. This fight continues today!

Happy Victory Day, May 9, 1941 – 1945

By Frederico Costa[1] and Érico Cardoso[2]

Every human being who loves freedom owes the Red Army more than he will ever pay in a lifetime.

Ernest Hemingway

May 9, 1945 marks the surrender of Germany to the Soviet Union in World War II, after two months of the Battle of Berlin between the Red Army and the Nazi Army. The so-called “D-day”, the landing of troops from 13 countries commanded by the USA and England on the French beaches of Normandy, occurred a year before the German surrender to the USSR, was an Allied military advance that won the liberation of France, but not victory over Germany. The US victory over Japan was not celebrated until August 15, 1945.

The Second World War began with a dispute between imperialist powers in 1939, but soon, in 1941, it assumed the character of a war of conquest of the USSR by the German Nazi state. The war left destruction never seen before. Deaths reached an estimated total of 70 to 85 million human beings, counting those who died from starvation and disease as a direct result of the war, that is, more than 3% of humanity [3]. Dozens of cities were reduced to rubble. Resources capable of nourishing, clothing, providing housing, health, education and work to alleviate poverty were used for purely destructive purposes. The environment, in many places, with forests and arable fields, has been reduced to ashes. Such devastation reached human behaviour and subjectivity itself: with generalized violence and systematic massacre of populations. Murder developed on an industrial scale. Examples of this were the Nazi concentration camps, the bombing of the German city of Dresden and the two atomic bombs dropped on Japan which was already defeated.

The structural roots of this catastrophe are present in the very competitive nature of the capitalist mode of production that intensifies with monopoly capitalism. Imperialism elevates competition to the political-economic level, taking an increasingly military-economic dimension by dividing the world between the imperialist powers. States and their armed forces participate in disputes between powerful industrial and financial groups. The world wars were the product of the imperialist system’s tendency towards aggressive expansionism.

After the first inter-imperialist war (1914-1918), the victory of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Red Army, created and led by Leon Trotsky, against the invasion of the USSR by a military coalition of 14 countries, prevented the restoration of capitalism in Russia. However, the fact that there were no new victories weakened the Soviet proletariat. The workers’ state (expropriation of the bourgeoisie, monopoly of foreign trade and planned economy) survived, but in a deformed way, with the emergence of the rule of bureaucracy and its political expression: Stalinism.

In fact, the Second World War was not a struggle between democracy and fascism, but a dispute between imperialist powers for world hegemony. German imperialism was no different from other imperialisms: crimes against humanity weigh on all of them. However, German imperialism, despite being subjected to the humiliating Treaty of Versailles, soon recovered from the defeat of World War I, helped by the interest of the big monopolies and other Western imperialisms in crushing the socialist revolution in Germany itself (1919 and 1923) and then invaded the USSR. Under the banner of Nazism, the country soon returned to being a much stronger military power than in the First World War and triggered the Second World War that began with the occupation of Poland on September 1, 1939,

The objective of imperialism was to destroy the Soviet Workers’ State: 70% of the Nazi armed forces and another three million soldiers were deployed against the USSR

Hitler easily won the war in Western Europe, with victories in the Netherlands and France in 1940. It was then that the Nazi military machine turned, in 1941, to its central objective: the destruction of the Soviet workers’ state, the which meant a full-scale counter-revolution. On June 22, 1941, Operation Barbarossa began. To destroy the Red Army, Hitler mustered at least 152 German divisions, including 19 Panzer divisions and 15 motorized infantry divisions, as well as 15 Finnish and 14 Romanian divisions. In terms of equipment, the German forces totalled about 3,350 tanks, 7,200 artillery pieces and 2,770 aircraft that represented 65% of the first-line air force (GLANTZ; HOUSE, 2009).

It was a real disaster for the Soviets. A completely preventable disaster. Even with 39,000 guns and mortars, more than 9,000 planes and 11,000 armoured vehicles, after the first week of battles, there was little left.

“The German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, together with the Stalinist sabotage of the Red Army (liquidation of its generals, refusal to prepare the country for the German attack, and the blockade of the resistance in the first days of the invasion), practically led to the destruction of the USSR in 1941”.

COGGIOLA, 2015, p. 178-179

However, after a series of colossal defeats, the Soviets stopped the Nazis at the gates of Moscow, in a battle that officially lasted from 30 September 1941 until 20 April 1942, despite Stalin’s excessive errors. Hitler, at an event in Berlin on October 4, 1941, even claimed that the advance to Moscow would be in its final stages, being the greatest battle in history and that, once killed, the Soviet dragon would never rise again (NAGORSKI, 2015). The cost was very high for the Red Army: 1,896,500 losses among dead, missing, prisoners and hospitalized. It is important to note that, due to the treatment given by the Nazis to Soviet prisoners, most of them were sentenced to death.

The strategic turning point came with the Nazi defeat at Stalingrad in February 1943. If it won, German imperialism would emerge strengthened both strategically and economically, with possibilities to launch an offensive against Moscow, the Middle East and even Great Britain. However, of the mighty 330,000-strong Nazi 6th and 4th Armoured Army, only 91,000 hungry and exhausted soldiers remained, including 22 generals who surrendered on February 2, 1943. This Soviet victory was consolidated with another in the largest battle of tanks in a war: the Battle of Kursk, between July and August 1943. From that event onwards, Hitler no longer met the conditions for a major offensive against the USSR, dedicating himself only to defensive battles to postpone the final defeat. From a military point of view,

[…] during the European summer of 1942, the German high command had concentrated 70% of its armed forces against the USSR, that is, 179 divisions, not counting the 71 divisions of its allies (22 Romanian divisions, 14 Finnish, 10 Italian, 13 Hungarian, 1 Slovak and 1 Spanish). Thus, that summer, 250 divisions – about 3 million men – were fighting against Soviet forces .

WERTH, 2015, p. 16

The best German troops were on the Eastern Front and not on the Western Front, in addition, the Red Army inflicted 75% of the casualties to the Third Reich army in the war (COGGIOLA, 2015). In an attempt to distort the fundamental importance of the Red Army to the end of Nazi barbarism, the mythology was created that the German defeat was caused by numbers and not by skill, with the Soviet victory obtained at the price of rivers of blood, while the Generals and Nazi marshals were deified for having fought with few resources and a lot of intelligence, and could have won had it not been for Hitler’s disastrous leadership.

In fact, the victorious march of the Red Army was an event of revolutionary consequences, going beyond the military aspect. Vassily Zhukov, the Marshal who commanded the Soviet forces in the annihilation of the Third Reich, thus portrays this progressive movement.

The victories of the Soviet Army helped the struggle for national liberation in European countries occupied by the Nazis. This struggle was led by the Communist Party and other workers’ parties, which united hundreds of thousands of patriots. With the advance of the Soviet Army towards the Dniester and the gateway to the Balkans, the anti-fascist movement became more active in the satellite countries of Germany. In Bulgaria and Romania, the uprising and national liberation armies grew in number. That summer, Bulgarian partisan units numbered around 30,000 fighters, which immobilized the royalist army. In May, the Hungarian Front was formed on the initiative of the communists in Hungary and, in Romania, a national-democratic bloc was formed, which organized an anti-fascist armed uprising.

In Yugoslavia, Albania and Greece, under the leadership of the Communists, the partisans fought very bravely against the fascist invaders in battles that kept 19 fascist divisions occupied and immobilized.

The Polish people, regardless of Mikolajczyk’s treasonous policy and his government in exile, intensified the armed struggle against the Nazi invaders (TCHUICOV, 2017, p. 15).

The USSR flag flying in Berlin signified the victory of the achievements of the October Revolution of 1917, despite Stalinist deformation and Nazi barbarism. The defeat of the Third Reich opened up emancipatory possibilities for humanity as a whole, from national liberation movements in oppressed nations to the struggle for civil rights in advanced capitalist countries. The victory over Nazism was not the work of Russian nationalism, but of the proletariat of the Soviet Union armed against the greatest monster that imperialism has ever created against communism: Nazi-fascism. Hitler’s defeat was the second greatest victory of the world proletariat after the Bolshevik Revolution.

The struggle against Nazism and the expansion of imperialism against Russia: an essay on World War III

US imperialism became hegemonic in the capitalist world after the second world war, it created a series of permanent financial, military, espionage organizations such as the IMF, NATO, the CIA against the USSR and the international revolution. Whenever necessary, imperialism resorted to the worst Nazi methods, torture, chemical weapons, dictatorships against oppressed peoples, whether Palestinians, Vietnamese, Latin Americans, Iraqis or Afghans.

After the social counter-revolution in the USSR, NATO’s eastward expansion did not cease. NATO, which had 16 members in 1990, now has 30. The overaccumulation of capital from this process of global expropriation, contradictorily, caused an immense crisis in the USA in 2008 and in the European Union in 2010. Countries such as Russia and China occupied spaces in the world market in a vacuum caused by the retreat of the imperialist powers and became players with extraordinarily large resources, such as the mass of the Chinese workforce, or the Russian energy, military and technological resources. As Moniz Bandeira said, “empires are more dangerous when they decline” [4].

Since the end of the USSR, decadent imperialism has carried out, in new forms and rhythms, another Barbarrossa operation. Dozens of new military bases were established in former workers’ states and former Soviet republics. The entire region was conquered taking advantage of the historical dissatisfaction of those populations with Stalinist bureaucracies, fratricidal wars (Yugoslavia), corruption of rulers, coups d’état, “colour revolutions”, hybrid warfare and the use of Nazi mercenaries to repress resistance. Ukraine to join the EU and NATO.

This offensive had its peak in the neoliberal 1990s. The economy was profoundly privatized, de-industrialized and suffered a major speculative attack in 1998. Yugoslavia was torn apart by an artificial fratricidal war that involved the direct military intervention of Yankee and European imperialism. All this did not happen without provoking a growing reaction from some peoples and governments in the region, which were forced to renationalise, centralize and plan strategic fractions of the economy, which was in opposition to the imperialist neoliberal orientation. Against this resistance, a strategy was devised to recolonize countries such as Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan.

This strategy has been explicitly documented. In May 2019, the Rand Corporation, the think-tank of the US military-industrial complex, had listed six options in the matter: 1. Arm Ukraine; 2. Increase support for jihadists in Syria; 3. Promote regime change in Belarus; 4. Explore tensions in the South Caucasus; 5. Reduce Russian influence in Central Asia; 6. Rival the Russian presence in Transnistria.

But even the most sophisticated strategy, under the best prepared logistics and with enormous resources in dollars, weapons and information technology, cannot reverse the trends towards the decline and overcoming of imperialism whose offensive dialectically strengthens a bloc of sanctioned countries, supported by productive forces that are less dependent on speculative financial circuits and that are about to create alternatives for the de-dollarization of their economies. These inter-bourgeois contradictions and between blocks of nations have created tensions that make the current war in Ukraine the prelude to the third world war.

The growing resistance on the part of the Eurasian bloc must not feed any illusions that the bourgeois forces that lead these oppressed nations will be able to offer consistent resistance in the anti-imperialist struggle. For only the proletariat organized in a communist and revolutionary international will be able to carry out this task. The construction of this organism today passes through the tactic of the anti-imperialist united front, which must submit to the strategy of permanent revolution in the face of the inability of the struggle of the Eurasian leaderships to defeat imperialism.

Today, in Ukraine, a new struggle against imperialism and Nazism is being revived. The USSR has not existed since 1991. Russia today is an anomalous capitalist country, at best a regional power. However, it is not an imperialist country. Objectively, the Russian Special Operation in support of self-determination of the republics of Donetsk and Lugansk in the Russian-speaking region of Donbass (eastern Ukraine) is a progressive action for workers and oppressed peoples around the world against the new Operation Barbarossa.

 
First, because it represents support for the struggle for national emancipation of approximately 3.5 million workers who suffer attacks from a regime born from a fascist coup in 2014, when the US/NATO invested efforts to arm neo-Nazi movements that continue the policy of collaboration with the military occupation of the country by Nazi troops during World War II against the USSR. In Ukraine, the US soon appropriated the country’s energy resources. Joe Biden’s son Hunter Biden has been placed on the board of directors of the country’s leading gas company, Burisma Holdings Limited. The Pentagon has developed several chemical weapons laboratories banned by a treaty signed by 183 countries since 1972 in the Chemical and Biological Weapons Convention (BWC).

Second, by expressing an active resistance to the plans of imperialism in crisis to break up Russia into semi-colonial protectorates.

Third, after World War II it is the biggest imperialist front against a country: military aid to the Ukrainian Nazi government, censorship, economic sanctions, Russophobia, strategic NATO siege, a ban on all parties opposing the regime, torture and persecution of trade unionists , communists and all who seek to clarify the facts. Once again, imperialism uses Nazism against the oppressed peoples, this time much more explicitly, through mercenaries, against the oppressed peoples of Eastern Europe.

In short, supporting the self-determination of Russian-speaking regions and the denazification of Ukraine is an anti-imperialist action as it clashes with the interests of world finance capital. On this 9th of May, in addition to commemorating the 77th anniversary of the defeat of Nazism, it is necessary to unconditionally stand by Russia in its fight against imperialism.

The day will come that will be the day of definitive victory over Nazism, when humanity will definitively bury imperialism and capitalism.

Long live the 77 years of the defeat of Nazism! Long live the Red Army! All support for Russia against imperialism and Nazism in Ukraine!

References

COGGIOLA, Osvaldo. The Second World War : causes, structures, consequences. São Paulo: Editora Livraria da Física, 2015.

GLANTZ, David M. & HOUSE, Jonathan. Clash of the Titans : How the Red Army stopped Hitler. São Paulo: C&R Editorial, 2009.

NAGORSKI, Andrew. The Battle of Moscow : the bloody struggle that defined the course of World War II. São Paulo: Contexto, 2013.

RAND Corporation, Extending Russia , Available at:  https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3063.html – Accessed April 4, 2022.

Zhukov, Vassily. The conquest of Berlin : 1945: the defeat of the Nazis. São Paulo: Context, 2017.

WEISSHEIMER, Marco Aurélio. Moniz Bandeira: “Empires are more dangerous when they decline”, in Carta Maior. Available at: https://outraspalavras.net/outrasmidias/moniz-bandeira-imperios-sao-mais-perigosos-Quando-declinam/ – Accessed on May 6, 2022.

WERTH, Alexander. Stalingrad 1942 : The Beginning of the End of Nazi Germany. São Paulo: Context, 2015. 


[1] Professor at the State University of Ceará (UECE) and coordinator of the Institute of Studies and Research of the Workers’ Movement (IMO);

[2] Doctoral student of the Postgraduate Program in Education at the State University of Ceará – PPGE/UECE.

[3] The world population in 1940 was estimated at 2.3 billion people.

[4] https://outraspalavras.net/outrasmidias/moniz-bandeira-imperios-sao-mais-perigosos-Quando-declinam/  Accessed on April 5, 2022.