By Ian Donovan

The recent denunciation of David Miller by Jewish Voice for Labour is another terrible example of how solidarity in the face of attacks by the class enemy is undone by political softness on Zionism on the left. David Miller is a professor and sociology lecturer, formerly employed by Bristol University, who specialises in research into political lobbying, with a particular specialism in combatting Islamophobia which repeatedly brought him into conflict with Zionist lobbying groups.

He is a clearly a left-wing political dissident academic whose work has challenged imperialist and Zionist disinformation over the wars in Syria and more recently Ukraine. He is the initiator of a non-profit company, Public Interest Investigations, whose projects include Spinwatch and Powerbase, which are both online resources that deal with lobbying, corruption, power networks and conflicts of interest. Miller’s projects target imperialism and Zionism, and expose the machinations of their functionaries in systematically promoting racism and attacks on the democratic rights of working-class people and marginalised, victimised groups such as Muslims and defenders of Palestinian Arabs, Miller has become of the target of a vendetta from organisations connected with the racist Israeli state, in an attempt to eliminate him from political life.

He has been targeted for the sack for political reasons, by the mainstream of the ruling class, who concur with the Zionists that the questions that he raises should be eliminated from academia, not because they are racist, but rather because of his sharp and meaningful criticisms and exposure of a form of racism that has overwhelming ruling class support.

Jewish Voice for Labour quoted the following tweet from David Miller:

“The facts:

1. Jews are not discriminated against.

2. They are over-represented in Europe, North America and Latin America in positions of cultural, economic and political power.

3. They are therefore, in a position to discriminate against actually marginalised groups.”

JVL commented that in posting this:

“He presents these three bald statements as ‘facts’. They are overstatements at best, flattening and homogenising Jews, ignoring any historical, international or social context and creating an impression of Jews exercising power as a cohesive force. 

Many were distressed by some of Miller’s statements in the past which seemed to exaggerate Israeli power but we believed they fell within the terrain of academic freedom. This recent tweet, focusing on Jews, is of a different order and has crossed a line.”

https://www.jewishvoiceforlabour.org.uk/statement/david-miller-has-crossed-a-line/

Naomi Winborne-Idrissi did qualify this slightly and attempt to soften it by saying “our intention was very deliberately to play the ball and not the man”. But by saying that he had “crossed a line” instead of disputing his views factually (for instance) it says the opposite. So, this doesn’t wash.

First of all, there is the phrase in the response that David’s remarks “ignore any historical, international or social context”. But there is no suggestion in his statement of any other context than the current one. Latin America aside (its relevance does appear marginal to this), West Europe and North America are the main centres of political and economic power of the so-called ‘free world’ (in reality, the world of the current dominant advanced imperialist capitalism).  David was clearly talking about the current context, not the social position of Jews before WWII, or the Middle Ages.

Also, the demand for ‘context’ and the complaint about the “impression” Miller’s arguments give are not exactly factual objections. It does appear that JVL are uneasily aware that they cannot dispute the factual basis of what Miller said but are complaining that it gives a bad impression and should not be mentioned at all, or at least with so many ‘historical’ and ‘international’ caveats as to negate any ‘impression’ that it might otherwise give. It is not the statements of Miller, reporting what goes on, that gives the “impression of Jews exercising power as a cohesive force” but the activities of the Zionists and their lobbying forces, which claim to represent Jews in general, and their so far highly successful attempts to derail left-wing movements like Corbynism that, in however a fragile manner, promised to oppose the oppression of the Palestinian people by Zionism.

JVL’s statement that David’s statements “in the past” fell within the “terrain of academic freedom” whereas this statement has “crossed a line” implies that his views no longer fall within the “terrain of academic freedom” and that JVL no longer defend David’s right to propagate them and not be victimised or dismissed in the witchhunt he is actually fighting. That is appalling in the context of the many victimisations that have taken place of left-wing activists for making criticisms of the racism of the Zionist movement.

The current context is this: the entire basis of the phoney ‘anti-Semitism’ scam that was used to bring down Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party was the mis-portrayal of Jews as still some oppressed layer of the population subject to systematic discrimination and oppression. Allegedly the leftist opponents of Zionism and supporters of the Palestinians in Labour during the Corbyn leadership created an environment of oppression for Jews and terrorised many Jews out of Labour. Without that ‘impression’ being successfully created in the mass media, there would have been no more traction for the ‘anti-Semitism’ scam than there was for the earlier attempted smear that Corbyn had been a “Czech spy”.

Finkelstein and ‘outsize Jewish political power’

That whole concept is light-years from the truth, and David Miller in raising this issue is following in the footsteps of a number of left-wing, anti-Zionist activists including myself and later Norman Finkelstein, have put this in statistical form and attempted to discuss its implications in a rational, socialist manner.

It is worth quoting Norman Finkelstein in his famous 2018 essay Corbyn Mania, which offers the best statistical breakdown of this issues that are central to this controversy. Norman wrote:

“The three richest Brits are Jewish. Jews comprise only .5 percent of the population but fully 20 percent of the 100 richest Brits.  Relative both to the general population and to other ethno-religious groups, British Jews are in the aggregate disproportionately wealthy, educated, and professionally successful. These data track closely with the picture elsewhere. Jews comprise only 2 percent of the US population but fully 30 percent of the 100 richest Americans, while Jews enjoy the highest household income among religious groups. Jews comprise less than .2 percent of the world’s population but, of the world’s 200 richest people, fully 20 percent are Jewish. Jews are incomparably organized as they have created a plethora of interlocking, overlapping, and mutually reinforcing communal and defence organizations that operate in both the domestic and international arenas. In many countries, not least the US and the UK, Jews occupy strategic positions in the entertainment industry, the arts, publishing, journals of opinion, the academy, the legal profession, and government. “Jews are represented in Britain in numbers that are many times their proportion of the population,” British-Israeli journalist Anshel Pfeffer notes, ‘in both Houses of Parliament, on the Sunday Times Rich List, in media, academia, professions, and just about every walk of public life.’  The wonder would be if these raw data didn’t translate into outsized Jewish political power. The Israel-based Jewish People Policy Planning Institute rhapsodizes that ‘The Jewish People today is at a historical zenith of wealth creation’ and ‘has never been as powerful as now.’

https://www.normanfinkelstein.com/finkelstein-on-corbyn-mania/

Finkelstein concludes his statistical survey by remarking that:

“It is certainly legitimate to query the amplitude of this political power and whether it has been exaggerated, but it cannot be right to deny (or suppress) critical socioeconomic facts.”

(ibid)

The problem is that denying and suppressing these crucial socioeconomic facts is exactly the attitude of many on those sections of the left that capitulate to Zionism in various ways, which as well as soft Jewish-left formations like JVL, includes today much of the so-called ‘far left’ from the Socialist Workers Party, to the Weekly Worker/Communist Party of Great Britain.

‘Far left’ phonies join the witchhunt

The Socialist Workers Party of Alex Callinicos jumped on the issue and issued its own awful statement which began by stating that “Anti-Zionism is not antisemitism. Saying Jews are ‘over represented’ in positions of power is.” They therefore go further than JVL and explicitly accuse Miller of anti-Semitism. This wretched, opportunist organisation under Callinicos has form for joining in Zionist witchhunts. Callinicos denounced Norman Finkelstein in 1999 for coming “dangerously close to giving comfort to those who dream of new holocausts” with his famous work The Holocaust Industry. (https://socialistworker.co.uk/news/finkelstein-and-the-holocaust/) The SWP in its current incarnation, led by Callinicos, insists on including Zionists in its Stand Up to Racism initiative, particularly in Scotland with a standing invitation to Glasgow Friends of Israel to join its events, to the justified outrage of Palestine activists.

Now the centrist, Islamophobic and soft pro-Zionist CPGB have jumped on the anti-Miller bandwagon with the SWP, in a grossly hypocritical, anti-Marxist, ignorant and two-faced article by Mike McNair (31 August) which agrees with the SWP that Miller uses “really anti-Semitic arguments” and goes on to fulsomely agree with the SWP that David’s words:

“lump together all Jews without any recognition of class or other differences. Miller targets Jews, not the actual ruling class, and plays on the idea of Jews as ultra-rich and manipulative.”

https://socialistworker.co.uk/what-we-think/why-david-miller-is-wrong-about-antisemitism

This statement from Callinicos’s political fiefdom is a pack of lies from start to finish. Miller does not ‘target’ Jews at all. He simply cites facts about their disproportionate representation in positions of power, which actually puts them in a similar position to white Anglo-Saxons, in Britain, the US and other Anglo-dominated imperialist countries like Canada and Australia (for example – in other imperialist countries such as Germany or Latin West Europe similar things are true, mutatis mutandis). Nor does he say anything about Jews being ‘manipulative’. These are lies pulled out of Callinicos’ bottom, they are not in Miller’s text. What Miller is actually doing is quite correctly refusing to accept the widely propagated myth that Jews today are today oppressed as a people in a world dominated by imperialism, and citing the material facts that prove this is true.

What’s outrageous and anti-Marxist about this is that McNair admits that David Miller’s facts are correct. He writes, in a polemic against Tony Greenstein (whose recent leftward movement is precisely shown in his defence of David Miller, contrary to his denunciations of myself and Gerry Downing in the past):

“But rather than defend Miller’s right to free speech, even if what he says is crap, comrade Greenstein goes on to argue with the highest degree of artificiality that Miller’s tweet’s focus on Jews being ‘over-represented in Europe, North America and Latin America in positions of cultural, economic and political power’ is not anti-Semitic because it is statistically true. Well, yes. But would you make the same complaint about Jews being ‘over-represented’ in post-revolutionary Soviet government or the Red Army? The ‘over-represented’ claim is classically anti-Semitic.”

https://weeklyworker.co.uk/worker/1456/anti-semitism-of-useful-idiots/

This just shows what anti-Marxist cretins McNair, and the CPGB leadership centred around the political coward and charlatan Jack Conrad, actually are. McNair admits that David Miller has got his facts right. “Well, yes” he coyly concedes. But he follows that up with an amalgam that could either have been concocted by the misnamed racist-Zionist ‘Campaign Against Anti-Semitism’ (which really ought to be called the ‘Campaign Against Arabs and ‘Arab-lovers’) or else the forgers that put together the lies about ‘Trotsky-fascism’ at the Moscow Trials.

Of course, David Miller was talking about the situation today, not the situation in pre-revolutionary Russia when Jews flocked to the revolutionary movement because of their oppression under the virulently anti-Semitic Tsarist regime, an oppression that was intimately connection with the dissolution of feudalism signalled by the emancipation of the serfs in the Russian empire in the mid-19^th Century. McNair is deliberately lying and smearing Miller here by dragging in circumstances and happenings that are economically and politically light years away from the current context. He is exposing himself here as a disgusting Menshevik hack, who is consciously smearing David Miller in the manner of those who tried to smear Lenin as a German agent in 1917, or those who lied that Trotsky was pro-fascist in the 1930s.

CPGB’s reactionary precedents and philo-semitic racism

The same hackery was used against myself in 2014 when I wrote my Draft Theses on the Jews and Modern Imperialism, which cited the same set of facts. I was purged from the CPGB-allied Communist Platform in Left Unity by these third-campist Islamophobes. Weekly Worker editor and hack Peter Manson indulged in similar smearing as follows. Manson notes that I had quoted statistics from the pro-Zionist source Jewish World Review that boasted that

 “’between 40% and 48%’ [In the US] of billionaires are Jews.”

And Manson then ranted:

“In my opinion, such ‘statistics’ say far more about the person quoting them than the people they claim to study. Even if we accept that those figures are accurate (a big ‘if’), then why would anyone consider them to be pertinent?”

https://weeklyworker.co.uk/worker/1026/no-place-for-anti-semitism/

He then made his similar Stalinist innuendo explicit:

“Interestingly, Donovan notes that communist organisations, not least the Bolsheviks, have often featured a high proportion of Jews amongst their leaders, yet he draws no parallel anti-Semitic conclusions about the significance of this (the Nazis were more consistent in this regard, it has to be said).”

And just to emphasise the point, Manson’s pro-Zionist, Nazi-baiting hack piece was accompanied with a ‘holocaust’ cartoon, again worthy of the CAA.

So why would Norman Finkelstein consider these facts to be ‘pertinent’? He certainly made considerable use of them, as quoted above. He noted that “it cannot be right to deny (or suppress) critical socioeconomic facts”. The attitude of the CPGB’s hacks is precisely to seek to supress discussion of these facts, and to try to smear anyone who does seek a proper discussion of them as effectively Nazis.

But they didn’t dare to try to smear Norman Finklestein as a Nazi: for the simple reason that he is possibly the best known Jewish anti-Zionist scholar in the world, and the son of survivors of the Nazi holocaust. He would have skinned them alive if they had tried, as he did to the liars and witchhunters in the Labour Party, Hodge and co.

This is why their denunciation of JVL for saying that Miller’s remarks “crossed a line” and are indulging in ‘cancel culture’ are so grotesquely hypocritical. What do they expect JVL to do, once the CPGB concur with them that David Miller is ‘anti-Semitic’? Invite him to tea and a slap-up meal? The CPGB actually have a position that free speech for fascists is something to be defended as a matter of principle. And they make a pseudo-show of criticising others on the left for demurring from this reactionary position, having Nazi-baited David Miller in classic Stalinist fashion.

They drag in sensitive and complex questions involving transsexuals and the fears of ‘gender-critical’ types of predators exploiting trans rights, etc. Which are only distantly related to the question of ‘free speech’ for fascists and have their own autonomous level of complexity. But any issue will do to muddy the waters and excuse their Islamophobia, which refuses to defend the resistance of Muslim people in Iraq, Iran and Palestine against imperialist and Zionist invasions and terror. During the Iraq war, they made a polemical point of honour of refusing to defend Iraqi resistance against the US/UK invasion.   Likewise, they refuse to defend Iran against imperialism. They refused to defend the elected Hamas government in the Palestinian territories against the coup that Abbas and Israel organised to overrule the elected expression of the Palestinian people in 2007. They are very keen on witchhunting those who criticise the privileged position of Zionist Jews in the imperialist world today, but refuse to defend the self-determination of Muslim peoples attacked by imperialism. Their neutral position on Ukraine, and refusal to defend the Donbass people targeted by imperialism and their Nazi Ukrainian puppets, is another manifestation of the same approach.

The CPGB’s own methodology on questions involving Zionism and Jews is driven by racist philo-Semitism, the mirror image of anti-Semitism. Thus, Norman Finkelstein escapes censure for citing the same set of “critical socioeconomic facts” that others, such as David Miller, Gerry Downing and myself, were smeared as ‘anti-Semites” and akin to Nazis for citing. The only conclusion one can reasonably draw is that the reason for the difference in such treatment is a racialised one. Non-Jews are not allowed to cite these socio-economic facts: Jews are tolerated doing so. This is racism similar to that of the Zionists themselves, and reflects the CPGB’s own soft-Zionist politics, that meant that in the early 2000s they were pursuing fusion discussions with the Alliance for Workers Liberty, on the basis of a common defence of ‘two states’ and the Zionist ‘right to self-determination’.

Their leaders are conscious charlatans and liars, particularly the cult leader at the top of the pile, Jack Conrad, who instigated my purge from the Communist Platform in 2014. In an informal discussion in a London pub prior to my purge, in the presence of another CPGB member, Daniel Harvey, Conrad made it clear that he did not believe that my position was ‘anti-Semitic’ at all. But he feared that if the CPGB allowed me to fight for these views within their framework, they would be branded as ‘anti-Semitic’. Therefore, I had to go. “Call me a coward if you like” he said, in private. Well, I will call him far worse, a cowardly pseudo-Marxist charlatan who doesn’t give a damn about the oppression of the Palestinians. The only time the CPGB ever turn up at Palestine demonstrations is when they can make money by flogging badges for their annual fundraising ‘Summer Offensive’. Barring that, they are notable by their absence.

I regret the confused period of my membership and later semi-association with the Menshevik, evolving Third-Campist CPGB/WW in these periods, but one thing I am pleased about is that I earlier in 2003-4 contributed to the collapse of their mooted fusion with the AWL by very forthright criticism of the AWL’s own ‘anti-Semitism’ smear campaign against anti-Zionists.

The Jewish Question: an epochal shift

There has long been a disproportionate representation of Jews in parts of business, particularly in finance and trade. Even when Jews were a frowned upon and persecuted population under emerging imperialist capitalism in the late 19^th and early 20^th Centuries, this was true, and this layer of Jews appeared in stark contradiction with the mass of Jewish artisan-workers and the intelligentsia, who did not, initially, share such a socially privileged position. The reason for this was that Jews in the medieval period played the role of a middleman class, a trading ‘people-class’, as analysed by the most-able Marxist theoretician of this question, Abram Leon, in his seminal work The Jewish Question: A Marxist Interpretation (1943). In the later medieval period, as capital grew up within the womb of feudal society, Jews were increasingly confined in ghettos and subjected to persecution as their economic role became obsolete and at odds with the logic of the capitalist development that was beginning to tear apart feudal societies in a more general sense.

This layer of traders was a product of the dissolution of this medieval class with the coming of capitalism and the emancipation of Jews which was a important, democratic feature of the bourgeois revolution that finally overthrew feudalism. The first period of bourgeois rule in Europe, from the 17^th to the late 19^th Centuries, produced a progressive evolution which made major progress in ending the late medieval persecutions of the Jews. But by the late 19^th Century free capitalism was being transformed into imperialism, with a growth of racism to justify colonialism, and two reactionary movements came into existence as a result of that. One was anti-Semitism, which drew on medieval myths and old persecutory calumnies about Jews and came up with the concept that Jews represented a separate, “Semitic” race. The growth of this trend meant a new oppression of Jews began, that did not reach its final expression until the mid-20^th Century. This meant that Jews were often the vanguard of fighters both for bourgeois democracy against feudal oppression, and in the workers movement.

The other reactionary movement that came into existence at pretty much the same time as racist Anti-Semitism, was Zionism, which sought an emancipation for the Jews at the expense of some colonised people, whose land would be taken off them for a Jewish state. This was always in its real logic at odds with the progressive Jewish democratic, socialist and communist element in and around the workers movement. It was their nemesis, and its real strategy and aim was to create a transplanted advanced capitalist/imperialist formation that could be politically dominated by the Jewish bourgeois layer referred to earlier. As was obvious from the early days, Zionism was not a movement that aimed to fight anti-Semitism and lead a struggle against oppression. Rather, it tended very much to see anti-Semitism as a kindred movement, as they too sought the separation of Jews and Non-Jews.

The existence of the layer of Jewish traders and financiers is something that has at various times in history been an issue that anti-Semitic demagogues, including the followers of Hitler, have been able to hammer on and use as propaganda in favour of the persecution of Jews. Though in their case, it was always coupled with an attack on the revolutionary Jews, and the construction of a fantastic amalgam between them. Thus, the self-sacrifice and heroism of the revolutionary Jews in Russia, particularly, was posited as an unlikely conspiracy with the bourgeois Jews to create a supposed tyranny where the Jews (revolutionary and bourgeois) would jointly oppress the non-Jewish populations, do away with their traditional institutions, etc. That was the theme of the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion, the Tsarist tract, which was later taken up by Hitler and provided much of the ideological ballast for his movement.

However, we are now in a very different situation. In the early period of imperialism, from the late 19^th Century to the mid-20^th, Jews were in a very unusual position in that their oppression had a pre-capitalist origin in the advanced countries themselves, but spilled over into the imperialist epoch. Through a kind of conjunctural epochal anomaly, Jews were targeted and oppressed by imperialism for several decades. The ultimate expression of this was the targeting of Jews for genocide by German imperialism led by Hitler’s National Socialists. But then there followed an epochal shift.

Because this oppression of the Jews was not rooted in any colonial question and had a pre-capitalist origin in the imperialists countries themselves, the Zionists realised it could be overcome and Jews could join the imperialist oppressor populations. That strategy succeeded – with the (largely unintended) help of the Nazis. That is what these debates are trying to address. Jews are no longer a people oppressed by imperialism. Imperialist sponsored anti-Semitism does not exist and the imperialist bourgeoisie regard Jews as a favoured population, the inverse of their status prior from the 1880s to (approximately) the 1950s and 1960s, when the Zionist strategy finally won out and was consolidated.

The bourgeoisie has had great difficulty in reacting to and analysing the Jewish question in a rational manner. One bourgeois political cult, centred around the Protocols and Hitler’s contention that Jews were the ‘political parents of Bolshevism’ had major influence before WW2 and led the imperialist bourgeoisie to tolerate the persecution of Jews, if not to persecute them themselves, which some did. Bourgeois political cults do exist and the bourgeoisie are not simply a rational class.

The cult of Zionism is similar but opposite to the cult of anti-Semitism in the past. Its basis is that one influential strand of the imperialist bourgeoisie has a direct interest in the dispossession of the Palestinians because of Israel’s racist Law of Return, which gives those born Jewish anywhere in the world citizenship rights in the Israeli state, while denying them to Palestinians. That strand has a wider influence and very strong political authority within the imperialist bourgeoisie, which is connected to neoliberalism and the view among the bourgeoisie that Jewish-Zionist bourgeois ideologues like Milton Freidman saved their system. The Jewish-Zionist strand are seen as particularly class-conscious representatives of this class.

State sponsored anti-black racism certainly exists and is evident in the US by e.g., the huge incarceration rate of blacks in its jails. A deliberate policy which both parties are up to their necks in, Barack Obama notwithstanding. Ditto for repression against Hispanics, native Americans, Muslims. The same is true in the UK. Anti-black and anti-Muslim racism here comes from all three neoliberal bourgeois parties. The ‘anti-Semitism’ smear in Labour was laced by anti-black and anti-Arab racism. The anti-Arab aspect was very clear from the targeting of Palestine supporters; the anti-black aspect from the targeting of Marc Wadsworth and Jackie Walker. In the US and Britain, such racism is institutional and a fundamental part of the ethos of the state.

That’s the point about the role of imperialism in oppressing whole peoples. This understanding comes from Lenin and the early Communist International and was continued in Trotsky’s Fourth International while it was guided by Trotsky. This oppression of peoples extends internally notwithstanding the fact that it uses some non-white bourgeois collaborators as camouflage. All these peoples are oppressed by imperialism on a global level. That is what we are debating. Are Jews as a people now oppressed by capitalism and imperialism? The answer is no. But many other peoples are. One of the key activities of the Israel lobby (who have pseudo-left extensions and also a degree of secondary ideological influence) is to get avowed socialists and anti-imperialists throwing their own most conscious elements under the bus. Their means of doing this is to spread confusion about just this question. That is why it is essential that this question be debated properly and fully understood. It is strategic and crucial for creating a fully coherent and effective revolutionary left.

The Price of Leftists Making Alliances with Fascists

Putting the neo-Nazi David Clews on the platform of No2NATO No2War public events is something that some of its prominent figures may come to regret. Though possibly not George Galloway, who in doing this appears to be doubling down on the alliance he made with Nigel Farage during the 2016 Brexit referendum, and later his failed attempt to stand as a candidate for Farage’s Brexit Party in the 2019 General Election. In jointly initiating No2NATO with Chris Williamson in early 2023, Galloway seemed to be acting at odds with that and taking aim at the far-right Maidan regime, its Nazi militias like Azov, Aidar etc, and their imperialist backers.

David Clews is the publisher of Unity News Network. This really stands for ‘unity’ of far-right forces against Britain’s immigrant-descended populations, against refugees. ‘foreigners’ and Marxists. In recent years it has gained a bit of notoriety by trying to exploit social discontent at Covid lockdowns and various kinds of popular unease against the vaccination programme. By putting Clews on the platform Galloway is signalling that for him, the aim is not to win the labour movement away from support for imperialism and racist Russophobia, but to find a British nationalist rationale for opposing the war. Whether Chris Williamson and his former comrades in the former Resistance Movement (aka Resist) understand where Galloway is coming from is not clear but seems unlikely. Resist recently merged with Galloway’s Workers Party, after a failed attempt to merge with Arthur Scargill’s Socialist Labour Party.

The result of this was shown by what happened at the rally No2NATO called in London on Sunday, August 6^th. Billed to speak was David Clews, who however did not show up, perhaps because he feared exposure to a wider audience as an outright fascist. In his place, alongside decent left-wing speakers like Chris Williamson and Richard Medhurst, spoke one Niall MacRae, who is a supporter of UNN and an official of a fake ‘trade union’, called ‘Workers of England’.

Enemies of Organised Workers

This was founded to represent ‘English’ workers, by elements of the far right including those involved in the English Democrats and former members of the BNP (which is hardly a surprise, as many English Democrats are also former members of the BNP). This far right clique dabbling in nationalist ‘trade unionism’ represent nothing in the working-class movement, and are in fact enemies of genuine trade unions, who they have no connection with.  On their website they have a section stating that they “campaign to stop racism” but instead of expressing any solidarity with non-white workers, promote the St George’s flag. They also campaign against ‘unregulated mass immigration’ whereas any real trade union would have members at risk from the state’s anti-migrant laws and would have to campaign for their defence. Taken together, this is a big ‘fuck you’ to non-white working-class people, which is precisely how it is intended.

MacRae published his speech on the UNN website (https://unitynewsnetwork.co.uk/abandoning-the-left-right-divide-to-stop-natos-war-in-ukraine/) along with a postscript that is a tirade against the Consistent Democrats who leafleted the No2NATO rally condemning the announced presence of Clews. No2NATO then circulated this in its Telegram group. In his speech MacRae claimed to be open to working with the left: “Left-right, left-right is how soldiers march. Just as they march in unison, the political Left and Right goes in the same direction.” This is cynical hogwash aimed to confuse the unwary – they do not go in the same direction at all.

MacRae bitterly attacks the Consistent Democrats for, in an article in our journal, “comparing Clews to the mass-murdering Nazis”. But he’s coy about quoting us doing so. For the basis for the (true) allegation that Clews is a Nazi sympathiser is quotations from Clews himself – about ‘decent’ ‘revolutionary nationalists’ who ‘took power’ in the 1930s and apparently as part of doing so, were circumspect in hiding parts of their politics at times, in order not to alienate their potential audience. He is evidently talking about Hitler’s party while lecturing Collett and Towler about the need to copy their tactics by his rendering: nothing else fits the description and timing. So MacRae is whinging about Clews’ Nazi sympathies being accurately quoted.

‘Cultural Marxism’ and Marxism

Then he quotes a section of our policy programme, about opposing Brexit and anti-immigrant measures; opposing British nationalism and being for a United Europe; being in favour of women’s liberation and that of oppressed sexual minorities through socialist revolution; opposing both sexual abuse of youth and ‘moral guardianship’ oppression of the same youth, as ‘cultural Marxism’, noting that this makes us ‘enemies’.

He is accurate about one thing: we are enemies of fascists like him. He is in favour of ‘unity’ of the left and right, as long as the ‘left’ grovels to racists, migrant haters and those sympathetic to abuse and/or regimentation of youth like himself.  But we are not ‘Cultural Marxists’. We are revolutionary Marxists. We know full well that from the mouth of Nazi sympathisers like Clews and MacRae, ‘Cultural Marxist’ simply means ‘Marxist’, ‘migrant-lover’ and likely also ‘Jew’. Though for some slightly more sophisticated types ‘Cultural Marxism’ often means the Frankfurt School of Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse, who rejected the revolutionary role of the working class in favour of incremental struggles for ‘progress’ against reaction in existing bourgeois institutions. This kind of politics was the forerunner of Eurocommunism, which dissolved the remaining communist impulses of many misled fighters into support for imperialist liberalism. We reject that.

We are proud to stand in the tradition of Jewish communist revolutionaries like Marx, Rosa Luxemburg and notably Leon Trotsky, who in 1918 founded the Red Army that crushed the proto-fascist counterrevolutionary Russian white armies and shot down many such fascists. We think the working- class movement should create its own military formations and deal with the far right today in similar fashion. It is truly bizarre to see such a fascist rant against Marxism delivered on a supposedly antiwar platform, and it is something that is likely at any time to blow up into a major public scandal for the leaders of No2NATO. That Galloway should put such fascists on a public platform is a horror and a tragedy.

The Tragedy of George Galloway

Galloway used to be a left-wing critic and opponent of the Labour Party’s collaboration with imperialism. After his expulsion from the Labour Party for the principled, anti-imperialist act of calling for Arab armed resistance to the invasion of Iraq in 2003, he founded the RESPECT coalition (later RESPECT party). Though it had many flaws, this was a clearly anti-racist and anti-imperialist party. It twice defeated the Blairites in parliamentary elections: Galloway won Bethnal Green and Bow during the 2005 General Election against the pro-war Blairite MP Oona King, inspiring many from the East End Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities along with anti-imperialist militants in what was quite a celebrated mass mobilisation. RESPECT went through major crises when the SWP later split away, but Galloway managed to defeat New Labour again in 2012 under the RESPECT banner in Bradford West, because of his reputation as a champion of Muslim people against imperialism and racism.  Galloway was then by far the most outspoken opponent of imperialism and Zionism in public life. He could (and did) legitimately boast about being the most pro-immigrant politician in the British parliament.

This changed after he was brutally beaten in the street by a Zionist thug in August 2014, and suffered a dislocated jaw, among other injuries. He was betrayed by the entire parliamentary Labour left, and most of the far left as well, not to mention the entire ‘democratic’ body politic. The only parliamentarian who publicly and forthrightly denounced this act was the Green MP Carolyn Lucas. One or two Labour MP’s such as Jeremy Corbyn sent private messages of sympathy but none of them were prepared to court similar Zionist abuse by publicly taking on the thugs. Many Zionists publicly expressed joy at Galloway’s beating, and the entire establishment basically concurred by its silence, including the ‘left’.

Unfortunately, the destructive work of this act of thuggery and betrayal was more far reaching than was first apparent.  But in hindsight, the change clearly dated from 2014. Galloway ran a quite principled campaign against Scottish separation for the September 2014 referendum, under the slogan “Just Say Naw” to separation. A supportable campaign, as Galloway’s main criticism of the Labour Party’s ‘Better Together’ referendum campaign was that it was a cross-class block, explicitly working with the Scottish Tories. Galloway was scathing about this, and called for a vote against independence to preserve working-class unity across the border, not any kind of block with the unionist ruling class parties. This campaign was underway months earlier than his beating on 31^st August and was not changed by the time of the referendum on 18^th September, during which time Galloway was evidently preoccupied with recovering from the beating, and the legal case against his assailant.

However, the change is clear when you look at what subsequently happened, when the dust settled. Galloway today would not criticise the Labour Party for allying with Tories in Scotland. On the contrary, he openly advocates votes for New Labour, Tories or any other unionist party against the Scottish National Party. The change, and the contrast is so clear with what he was doing immediately prior to the violent assault on him that the cause is simply obvious.

Galloway lost most of his commitment to socialist and left-wing politics as a result of that beating and betrayal, and capitulated to right-wing populism and worse. Hence his association with Nigel Farage over the 2016 Brexit referendum, as well as his apparent friendship with Steve Bannon, Lawrence Fox, and similar types. Although he retains elements of his prior hostility to imperialism, and his pro-Soviet/Russian views, he came to regard left and right as essentially meaningless. So, he became quite willing to ally with Tories and those even further right in support of his own arbitrary objectives. This is a fundamental change and means Galloway has tragically become a treacherous force, a danger to the workers movement because of his alliances with fascists.

This might be a tragedy, but reversing it seems to be beyond the powers of any individual or small grouping in the labour movement. No matter the circumstances that made this happen, the only conclusion that the labour movement can draw is that Galloway now has one foot in the camp of the far right and cannot be trusted. He should be treated with extreme caution, and his Workers Party likewise, as an outfit that habitually allies with neo-Nazis. People like Clews and MacRae are not some amorphous layer confused between left and right. They are hardened far right cadre.

So What Now?

The formerly “most pro-immigrant politician in Britain”, who twice defeated New Labour because of the trust in him as an anti-imperialist and anti-racist by tens of thousands of workers of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin, now spits in their face in the worst possible way by providing a platform for fascists like Clews who prints blood-libellous filth about the supposed proclivities of Asian Muslims for sexual abuse. This is similar politics as the worst far right scum in the government, the likes of Braverman who regularly regurgitate similar lying filth.

This is certainly a tragedy, but the workers movement has to deal with facts and political realities, not sentimentality and ‘what might have been’. We cannot allow Galloway to allow Neo-Nazis to wreck the anti-imperialist movement in Britain.  We have to call for all anti-imperialist militants to break from No2NATO and create a fascist-free replacement before it is too late.

No2NATO could have started a mass anti-imperialist movement!

Putting neo-Nazis on its platforms has wrecked it and damaged the whole movement!

A crucial task of socialist and communist activists today is to build labour movement solidarity with the Russian-speaking and Russian people of the Donbass and Crimea who have been targeted for elimination by Western-backed Nazis. In 2014 US neocons instigated a coup in Ukraine, overthrowing the elected government and putting in power far right forces. That was the real beginning of the current war, not the beginning of the Russian SMO in Feb 2022, which was justified defence of the targets of genocide. Cult followers of Nazi-collaborators and mass killers such as Bandera became the dominant power in Ukraine. They glory in the killing by the Third Reich of many millions of Russians on Hitler’s Eastern Front in WWII. Bandera’s forces also killed many Jews, but today Israel is an ally of the Ukrainian Nazis, and an elaborate operation has been concocted to camouflage the NATO-funded Nazi bloodlust against Russians with the puppet President Zelensky, whose Jewish origin masks far right Zionist politics.

We should be mobilising anti-fascist sentiment and exposing the proclivities of Western ‘liberal’ hypocrites who are funding Nazi killers, giving them billions in military aid, supplying them with enormous quantities of weapons including DU munitions and cluster bombs, obviously designed to kill as many Russians as possible. This is being done at the expense of the living standards of the working class everywhere, including here, with sanctions, inflation and gun-running. Anti-war activists should be exposing the traitorous union leaders who support this ruinous war against our class for Nazi bloodlust. We should be exposing Russophobia and xenophobic sentiment generally, appealing to the many workers of immigrant background who have experience of imperialist crimes, and who understand full well why such events as the Russia-Africa summit, attended by most African states, are so important in opposing the West’s drive to impose its will on peoples all over the world.

It is a total disaster that No2NATO has put David Clews, a close collaborator of the Neo-Nazi Patriotic Alternative, on its platforms. We need a mobilisation of the labour movement against fascism and Russophobia, which is a potent form of racism today. This behaviour from Galloway and the Workers Party has undercut No2NATO’s potential appeal and helped Russophobic liars to portray opposition to the war as in some way pro-fascist. Its an outrage against the entire non-white population of this country. Clews and co want to ‘repatriate’ non-whites. We do not need ‘allies’ who rail against migrants, asylum seekers and refugees.

We don’t need xenophobic ranting from George Galloway, who was once an outspoken defender of migrants and the Muslim community, incredibly attacking Starmer’s racist Labour Party from the right for liking ‘foreigners’ in a recent outrageous tweet. What’s with the Red, White and Blue roundel symbol, anyway? It sure ain’t Russian even. And in any case, the flag of the labour movement is red only.

We need supporters of No2NATO to demand an end to this reactionary crap, break with the far right, and organise to throw such xenophobia in the rubbish.

Christian Romero, Bolshevik Militant Tendency – Argentina

Humberto Rodrigues, Communist Party – Brazil

The coup in Niger is the latest expression of the geopolitical dispute over Africa. The dispute between decadent, NATO-based, US-led imperialism, and nations historically oppressed by imperialism, led by China and Russia, capitalist states “deformed” by revolutionary and post-capitalist experiences. After the 2008 economic crisis the bloc of countries led by Russia and China emerged as competitors for imperialism in the world market. The irruption from there of the Eurasian pole as in the cases of Russia, Belarus and China as advanced capitalist technocratic states with different degrees of inheritance of the bureaucratic workers’ states. But, those countries that return to capitalism will not return to the previous phase of capitalism that they were – as nothing returns to the previous existence in the history of the evolution of natural and social life. In these cases China, Russia, Belarus and others will not return to the phase before the cycle of social revolutions of the 20th century, but rather will return to contemporary capitalism under uneven and combined development.

The irruption of this Eurasian pole in other parts of the oppressed world, in Asia, Latin America and Africa, made several African countries see the opportunity to dispute, even in part, the control of the strategic resources of the continent. This generates in Africa and especially Central and West Africa a cycle of coups, counter-coups and civil wars. In this context, belligerent forces emerge that seek to join the Eurasian pole in its tendency to enter into contradiction with the different factions of world imperialism, not only the hegemonic ones – such as the US – but also the subaltern ones such as the French one, which has been convulsed by several struggles of the working class in recent years. In this sense, the coup of last July in Niger is part of this last tendency, against French imperialism.

As examples of this trend that predate the coup in Niger, in Burkina Faso and Mali already years ago, governments were installed based on tendencies that include the anti-French sentiment of the oppressed masses and pro-Russia orientation:

“The coups d’état experienced in Mali and Burkina Faso since 2020 have led to the constitution of military juntas of anti-French tendency – that is,  questioning the French government’s policy in Africa – which has challenged the traditional Western alliance to strengthen, instead, its relations with Russia.”

https://www.cidob.org/publicaciones/serie_de_publicacion/opinion_cidob/2023/burkina_faso_y_mali_expulsan_a_francia_el_rol_del_sentimiento_antifrances_en_el_giro_pro_ruso

Niger’s economic and strategic role in the confrontation between Russia and the Western powers, especially France, is key, especially in the supply of uranium, key to 70% of the electricity generated in France. ( See https://es.ara.cat/internacional/africa/golpe-niger-pone-riesgo-centrales-nucleares-francesas_1_4769644.html)

The role of French neocolonialism in Central and West Africa also extends to the level of monetary policies as in the case of the CFA. Until now, Niger and other Central African countries, former French colonies, use the CFA franc as a monetary unit. Through this mechanism, France effectively exercises veto power over the respective central banks of nations dominated by French imperialism. (see https://elordenmundial.com/que-es-franco-cfa/)

“According to the newspaper Liberation, 34.7% of the 6,286 tonnes of ore imported by France in 2020 came from Niger, ahead of Kazakhstan (28.9%), Uzbekistan (26.4%) and Australia (9.9%). Since then, imports have fallen and Nigerien uranium now supplies between 10% and 15% of the needs of French power plants, estimates the state-owned Orano group, which exploits uranium deposits in northern Niger, “being the key nuclear industry for the French energy matrix.”

https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/475009-reportan-niger-suspendio-exportacion-uranio

France in Central and West Africa was very aggressive even after its former colonies had formal independence. Since 1961 there have been 44 French military interventions in Africa.

We must also add that we must add the imposition of coups d’état as in the 80s in Burkina Faso against T. Sankara with F. Mitterrand (PSF) complying as a substitute of the reaction reganianao-tacherista in Africa. (See https://lcligacomunista.blogspot.com/2016/10/thomas-sankara-ha-29-anos-de-seu.html)

Today the anti-French turn in Central Africa is broad and they turn to the search for an alliance with Russia. The current military coup in Niger is part of this trend. Therefore, it is not a pro-imperialist coup but a coup d’état that contradicts imperialism and must be supported by all anti-imperialist fighters in the world. (See https://www.cidob.org/publicaciones/serie_de_publicacion/opinion_cidob/2023/burkina_faso_y_mali_expulsan_a_francia_el_rol_del_sentimiento_antifrances_en_el_giro_pro_ruso

“The governments of Burkina Faso and Mali have warned the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on Monday [31 July] that a possible intervention against Niger would be considered a declaration of war against them.”

the statement concluded:

“On the other hand, they expressed their fraternal solidarity with the Nigerien people, who have taken their destiny into their own hands and assumed the fullness of their sovereignty in the face of history.” In any case, the transitional governments of Burkina Faso and Mali invite the forces to be ready and mobilized, to lend a hand to the people of Niger, in these dark hours of Pan-Africanism,”

https://www.lt9.com.ar/76843-mali-y-burkina-faso-avisan-que-una-intervencion-militar-en-niger-sera-una-declaracion-de-guerra-contra-ellos

The above shows how in Central and West Africa the feeling of being plundered of its resources by imperialism develops and how the tendencies of opposition to imperialism itself grow. All that happened on the eve of the BRICS leadership meeting in South Africa, now in August 2023.

Today the sectors that seek greater independence in the countries of West and Central Africa, a dependency closely linked to the presence of French imperialism, seek an alliance with Russia.  Also from the economic point of view there is now a rapprochement with China, currently after 9 years of suspension of its activities the enterprise for the extraction of uranium in Niger is resumed in partnership with the uranium company of China.

“We know that Chinese cooperation has made great technological advances and we believe that we can accelerate these advances to have a modern, profitable operation for our economy within the framework of a win-win partnership,” said Niger’s Minister of Mines Ousseimini Hadizatou Yacouba , according to Niger’s own press.

https://www.lesahel.org/exploitation-miniere-le-niger-et-la-compagnie-chinoise-cnuc-saccordent-sur-la-reprise-prochaine-des-activites-de-la-somina/

After July 26, the population of Niger began to have mobilizations, such as the one reported in the Niger press about the population of Dosso, in favor of the currently ruling National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland (CNSP), which is how the government that emerged after July 26 is known. See https://www.lesahel.org/dosso-politique-les-populations-de-dosso-apportent-leur-soutien-au-cnsp-et-aux-fds/

Today in Niger it is vital to unite the tactics of the Anti-Imperialist United Front that today in Niger itself is a united front with every belligerent force that contradicts imperialism including the regular army. The tactic of the Anti-Imperialist United Front must be merged with the strategy of the permanent revolution, since there will only be authentic sovereignty of the people of Niger as part of a federation of republics based on workers’ and peasants’ councils of Central and West Africa.

Imperialism out of Niger! Unite the struggle against imperialism with the struggle for socialism!

This issue is once again heavily concentrated on NATO imperialism’s proxy war against Russia in Ukraine, with the lead, front page article (though something of a personal view) addressing the political reasons for the accelerating war drive by US imperialism, as the world hegemon, against Russia and China.

The Ukraine war has become a watershed where US hegemony itself is at stake: the ex-workers states of Russia and China may well be capitalist, but the capitalism that has been restored there is so marked and deformed by many decades of anti-capitalist, collectivised social relations as to make these societies fundamentally deformed, ‘hybrids’ that imperialism does not regard as reliably capitalist at all. It regards them as troublesome and subversive rivals that threaten its ‘full spectrum dominance’. Hence the ideologically driven new Cold War of US/NATO.

A start is made in this article in addressing these questions in terms of Marxist theory and it explores the implications of the perspective of the emergence of a ‘multipolar world’, a perspective put forward by prominent Russian politicians and ideologues that has itself become the banner of a revolt by many semi-colonial countries against imperialist world bullying. Far from Russia being ‘isolated’ by the imperialist sanctions regime, BRICS, the Russian- and Chinese- led trading bloc, which already embraces around 40% of the world’s population, has around 20 mainly ex-colonial and developing countries queueing up to join it.

The other major question related to the war addressed in this issue is the big problem with No2NATO, No2War as a putative anti-war bloc, that aims to support the anti-fascist struggle in of the Donbass people against the NATO-Nazi regime in Ukraine.  A major blow was struck at this aspiration when George Galloway and his Workers Party of Britain had the idea of putting one David Clews on its platform as a speaker.

As well as being an anti-vax/anti-lockdown activist over Covid, an examination of his politics reveals he is a fellow traveller of the neo-Nazi, anti-immigrant group Patriotic Alternative, and insofar as he is critical of them, it is from an ‘orthodox’ Hitlerian standpoint(!). Both the Consistent Democrats and the bloc of communists and anti-imperialists we support, the International Ukraine Anti-Fascist Solidarity, have put out statements sharply attacking this bloc with part of the far right.

So far, others at the core of N2NN2W have not opposed this, in fact they have doubled down and broken relations with people who criticised this. But we are not prepared to passively allow far right elements to try to hitch a ride on the anti-imperialist movement hoping to profit from social and political turmoil, if, as seems likely (to all, including Clews) the West loses this proxy war.

Apart from that we have a substantive article on the Coronation/Monarchy issue, as well as material addressing repression and purges against leftists. Most important is an article defending Tony Greenstein, veteran Jewish leftist, who is facing a possible prison sentence for his activities on behalf of the direct-action protest group Palestine Action. This a result of Tory and Zionist undermining of the democratic rights of protesters and of their right to present their full case to juries.

Related to that, there are articles on Starmer’s purges of former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn and of Diane Abbott from the parliamentary Labour Party, all of which underline why no one on the left should be voting for any Starmer-loyal or -subservient Labour candidates in the General Election, when it comes.

On the contrary, we should be working toward the emergence of a real working-class party that can take on the Starmerites for their support for NATO’s Nazis in Ukraine, as well as their overt approval for Israeli oppression of the Palestinians. One step forward recently was when the Socialist Labour Network adopted a principled position of defending the Donbass people in the current proxy war, thus siding with Russia’s armed intervention to defend them. This was a small but real victory in the struggle for genuine anti-imperialist politics. Another step forward was the re-adherence of Socialist Fight, which parted company with us over three years go in a disagreement mainly over Zionism, to the Liaison Committee for the Fourth International (LCFI), our international movement, with a coincidence of views particularly over Ukraine.

And we republish a somewhat pacifist-tinged, but pro-Russian, call for an anti-war conference in Rome this coming October as a preliminary announcement of our critical adherence. We see this as akin to the flawed Zimmerwald initiative in WWI, as a real indicator of the incipient coming together of leftists to oppose the threat of WWIII, but without having the kind of programmatic answers that are needed. We look to the Zimmerwald left, formed by revolutionaries who intervened within the original Zimmerwald movement, which became the nucleus of the Communist International.

And finally, this issue contains a short piece on the candidacy of Robert F Kennedy Jr for the Democratic Party nomination in the US. This might well cause some problems for Biden and his Ukraine war campaign and might even result in a third (or fourth) party challenge, which along with the further travails of Trump, makes next years US Presidential Election extremely unpredictable. An index of the deep crisis and decline of US imperialism and its so-called ‘democracy’.

The motion below was passed by the Socialist Labour Network (SLN) at its All-Members Meeting (AMM) on 9^th June. The meeting was smaller than usual, about half the size of the normal run of members meetings. That is likely a seasonal anomaly however, as the SLN still has the loyalty of a broad spectrum of the most militant ex-Labour members who were originally inspired by Corbyn’s leadership. The SLN is the product of the unification of two militant organisations of the Labour left which came together during the period of the Blairite and allied Zionist witchhunt: Labour Against the Witchhunt, and Labour in Exile Network. Both were proscribed by Kier Starmer, as is the unified SLN.

The adoption of this policy is a major shift to the left by the SLN. We in the Consistent Democrats have fought for the SLN to adopt such a principled policy for the whole period of the Special Military Operation. In April last year a third-camp motion was hurriedly passed that equated Russia with NATO, though to its credit it did also call for self-determination for the Donbass people. We opposed that at the time and attempted to correct that in July: a similar motion was then defeated by around 2 to 1 in formal votes. But at the same time, there were so many abstentions that it was obvious that many SLN members were uneasy with the third camp policy. So, it was not a surprise that this motion went through near-unanimously just now.

This is also a symptom of a real shift to the left on this war, as the real Western objective and support for Nazism is being exposed despite the massive media lying campaign. The original version of this motion called for endorsement of No2NATO, No2War (N2N2W). But it fell off the agenda at the April AMM due to lack of time, and the subsequent major error by the Galloway/Workers Party leadership of N2NN2W in blocking with the Nazi David Clews (and then doubling down against criticism of this) meant it had to be amended to take account of this change. That delay was perhaps fortuitous as it turned out.

---

To defeat the current imperialist war drive and proxy war against Russia, we must work towards creating an anti-war movement that is principled, anti-fascist and anti-imperialist, and stands against the drive of the far-right Maidan regime in Kiev to destroy and ethnically cleanse the Russian speaking population of what was the South-East part of Ukraine (Donbass). We must stand with the Donbass people. The arming of Ukrainian forces with heavy NATO weaponry is aimed to kill Russian-speakers, including the civilian population (in fact Donbass inhabitants). Warmonger Republican US Senator Lindsay Graham, supporting Biden’s war policy, recently boasted that this was the “best money [the US] ever spent”.

Although Stop the War condemns the US and NATO, it also condemns Russia. This is to condemn the Russian assistance of the people of Donbass to resist ethnic cleansing and to avoid being forced into NATO. We need something better and more principled than this. We cannot endorse No2NATO, No2War as its current public alliance with a part of the far right contradicts the whole notion of a struggle against fascism and imperialism.

Proposer: Ian Donovan

Seconder: Paul Collins.

(16 in favour, 3 absentions,  0 against)

The conference call below was endorsed by the Consistent Democrats, other LCFI sections and some of our close allies in the Marxists Speak Out initiative. The call is positive as it is clearly in favour of defence of Russia, but it is also somewhat marred by pacifist illusions and calls for a ‘just peace’ and “an armistice between’ the belligerent forces”.

When we took part in initiating the Marxists Speak Out initiative at the beginning of the Russian SMO, there was a lot of discussion on the need for something akin to the Zimmerwald initiative in WWI, an international meeting of anti-war socialists and communists with a view to re-establishing international collaboration. A representative of the Bolshevik Tendency put forward the correct view that what was needed more was something like the Zimmerwald left, the revolutionary wing of Zimmerwald which effectively became the Communist International in due course after the war. Unfortunately, the BT has not participated in our continuing efforts to make this a reality.

That said, this Rome Conference initiative seems more like Zimmerwald than the Zimmerwald left. Lenin and the Bolsheviks did sign the Zimmerwald manifesto despite its pacifist illusions and worked to overcome those weaknesses. This was still a step forward towards a new international anti-imperialist movement, and we endorse it on this basis. We will produce more material on this in due course.

The clash between Russia and Ukraine, due to the direct involvement of NATO, threatens to unleash a third world war. The Euro-Atlantist elites justify their direct support for the puppet regime in Kiev as »necessary to repel Russian aggression«.

Actually, the real aggressor is the US-NATO-EU coalition, which took advantage of the Soviet Union’s dissolution to economically and politically subdue all of Eastern Europe in order to encircle and defeat Russia. The final step in this strategy would be the definitive annexation of Ukraine to NATO and the European Union, and thus a regime change in Moscow.

Only the foolish and forgetful can believe that the blockade led by the United States of America has triggered this war to defend the principles of democracy and self-determination of peoples. The truth is that this blockade, after supporting the Euromaidan coup, financed and armed the Ukrainian army and neo-Nazi groups to hurl them against the Donbass republics and Russia itself. The truth is that the US-NATO-EU bloc uses the Ukrainian peopleas cannon fodder to establish its supremacy thus preventing a multipolar order based on respect for the peoples and the sovereignty of nations from coming into being. If this blockade succeeds in subduing Russia, the doors will be wide open to war against China.

Preventing the third world war is the first duty of all those who have the good of humanity at heart. It is therefore necessary to build a great and strong international coalition for peace and brotherhood among nations. Such an alliance must be able to set in motion the different souls fighting against militarism and imperialism in all their forms.

To start this process, we invite you to join the European Peace Conference that will take place in Rome on 27 and 28 October 2023.

As signatories of this Appeal we ask for:

● the immediate halt of arms shipments to Ukraine;
● an end to the sanctions on Russia as well as the Russophobic campaign;
● the invalidation of the statement condemning Russia as a terrorist state;
● an armistice between the belligerent forces;
● a truly neutral and democratic Ukraine;
● the stop to the arms race and the dissolution of NATO.

Finally, we call upon the peoples to fight against all forms of imperialism, and nationalist chauvinism and we advocate the advent of a multipolar world based on respect for every people and all nationalities.

FOR A TRUE PEACE, FOR A JUST PEACE

Divided We are nothing, united we can do everything

First signatories:

· Borotba (Ukraine) 

· Unified Communist Party of Russia 

· Socialist Movement of Georgia (Georgia) 

· Stop Killing Donbass (Europe) 

· Socialismo

· XXI (Spain) 

· PARDEM (France) 

· Selbstbestimmtes Österreich (Austria) 

· Freie Linke (Austria) 

· Antiimperialistische Koordination (Austria) 

·  Freie Linke Zukunft (Germany) 

· Fronte del Dissenso (Italy) 

· Comitato No Guerra No NATO (Italy) 

· Italia Unita (Italy) 

· Ancora Italia per la Sovranità  Democratica (Italy) 

· 3V (Italy) 

·  MMT (Italy) 

· Liberiamo l’Italia (Italy)

Further signatories (list is open and will continually be updated):

· Friedensbrücke-Kriegsopferhilfe e.V (Germany) Ostdeutsches Kuratorium von Verbänden (Germany) 

· Friedensglockengesellschaft Berlin e.V. (Germany) 

· dieBasis Thüringen (Germany) 

· Handwerker für den Frieden (Germany) 

· PCUSA – Party of Communists USA 

· Freie Linke Anarchisten (Germany) 

· Revolutionärer Freundschaftsbund (RFB) e.V. (Germany) 

· Partito dei CARC (Italy) 

· Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan 

· US Friends of the Soviet People (USFSP) 

· Liga Comunista (Brazil) 

· Platform of Independence (Greece) 

· Partido Comunista do Povo Brasileiro (Brazil) 

· 23 September (Bulgaria) 

· Neue Richtung (Germany) 

· Liga Socialista (Brazil) 

· Consistent Democrats (Great Britain) 

· Class Conscious (Australia) 

· Bolshevik Militant Tendency (Argentina) 

· Unified Communist Party of Georgia

· Socialist Unity Party (USA)

· All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks vkpb.ru (former Soviet republics)

· Union of Political Emigrants and Political Prisoners of Ukraine

· Zimbabwe Movement for Pan African Socialists 

· Communist Party of Kenya 

· Mothers Against War Berlin-Brandenburg (Germany)

By Mark Andresen

Where rolling news brainwashing by the Media has fostered paranoia among the less politically committed, perhaps we should be less than surprised by the rise of a candidate who attempts to give voice to the concerns of both entrenched sides.

  Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is a Zionist, a believer in private enterprise, and torn on the subject of the CIA, since his own step-daughter is a conscript. Therefore, it’s understandable that already committed US Communist groups will have no truck with a perception of him being any serious agent of change. What’s more interesting, however, from the point-of-view of an outsider, is a) what his own schizophrenic perspectives represent in the current intractable climate, and b) what effect these currently have upon former, obsessively committed, Red (Republican) and Blue (Democrat) states.

  In the second week of May, a poll of swing voters in the Red US state of Georgia, asked the question: ‘If the candidates for the 2024 Democratic Presidential nomination were Joe Biden, Marianne Williamson and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who would you vote for?’ The result saw 36% for Biden, but a virtual tie with 35% for Kennedy, and only 11% for Williamson. (The once assumed ‘progressive’ choice for Liberals). After national polling during April of an initial 14% for Kennedy, then 19%, this was a gamechanging rise in one clearly perceived by constituents as more than just the latest stalking horse. Name recognition may have given him the instant PR advantage, but, clearly, there was more going on.

Why would an Establishment figure critique the Military Industrial Complex in the first place? Typical political cynicism and opportunism, eighteen months out from a Presidential Election? Or, something else? It is easy, yet necessary, to recall Kennedy’s past: an uncle, assassinated by the State in November 1963, and a father receiving the same fate less than five years later. So, his run has also to be personal. Alongside the name recognition, the ongoing backstory connects. Dissent on this broad topic – perhaps unique from within the Washington Establishment since the shameful selling-out by Bernie Sanders and the so-called ‘Squad’ ahead of the 2020 Election – also chimes with voter mistrust of the State that crosses party lines. Add to this, the wholesale turning away from social policy, in plain sight of voters, by both parties, in pursuit of endless war, and his rise among the disenfranchised working-class is almost inevitable. He also has a CV (or resume) of experience outside Washington that informed his stance against the war machine; specifically, a Liberal stance on environmental concerns.

This from his Wikipedia entry:

  “In 1984, he joined Riverkeeper and the Natural Resources Defence Council (NRDC) in 1986, two non-profits focused on environmental protection. He became an adjunct professor of environmental law at Pace University School of Law in 1986. In 1987, he founded the Pace Law School’s Environmental Litigation Clinic, where he held the post of supervising attorney and co-director until 2017. He founded the non-profit environmental group Waterkeeper Alliance in 1999, serving as the president of its board. There was discussion in the press that the first Obama administration was possibly considering him as a candidate for administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, but his controversial statements and arrest for heroin possession in the 1980s made him unlikely to receive Senate confirmation. Since 2005, he has promoted the scientifically discredited link between vaccines and autism and is founder and chairman of Children’s Health Defense, an anti-vaccine advocacy group.”

Where Kennedy crucially falls down is in an old-fashioned, romantic view of his party as one that harbours no actors of bad faith. A fatal naivete that will likely cost him achieving the top job, were he even allowed by the Dem leadership to reach it. Paradoxically, this might be the best outcome for him personally, since his own selling-out would represent a second consecutive voter betrayal (after Bernie Sanders) and reinforce accusations of ‘sheepherding’ tired, distrustful Dem voters back into the Democratic Party. Hence the call among some on the Left, who might otherwise have considered voting for him, that he should run as an Independent; something he has already dismissed out-of-hand. Then, Bernie Sanders ran as an ‘Independent,’ but, you’d never have known it from his voting record.

  2020 saw Bernie Sanders betray his legion of young activist followers by folding to the Democratic Party Establishment rather than lead those followers out onto the streets. So far, there is no evidence that Kennedy won’t do the same. Yet, this time, there may be a difference, even if he does. Having been badly stung three years ago, there seems a greater understanding among the population today, across the USA, as to who the real enemy is, to which both Democrats and Republicans are beholden; it is this which Kennedy – bolstered by the double family tragedy of his own backstory – has tapped into, finding a receptive, cross-party audience; but, it is an appeal that his compromised position – remaining in the party – may ensure comes back to haunt him.

Finding polling figures on Republican voting intention proves difficult when most – if not all – search engines direct the researcher to the Group-Think opinion of newspaper editors hired to support the prevailing Democrat Government narrative. So, any objective study is currently inaccessible. Across the board, as of June, Kennedy is currently polling at 20%, nationally, confirmed by the Republican-leaning realclearpolitics.com. On youtube, a favourable Fox News audience typically comments; “I’m a Trump man, but RFK is a much better candidate than Biden.” Another writes; “Trumps alright, but RFKJ would be the best President we’ve had in years…” And again; “I’m Conservative and I can’t lie.  I don’t dislike RFK at all.” Finally, “as a former Trump supporter, I would vote for RFK JR in 2024 if he can make the General Election Ballot.” (Fox News page, ‘Jack Dorsey endorses RFK Jr., says DNC becoming ‘irrelevant,” youtube, 6th June 2023).

  Again, with no objective research to hand, it’s hard to say what these assumptions are based upon, policy-wise, beyond the continuing working-class disillusionment with the corporate uni-party system as a whole.

This side of the pond, it shouldn’t be underestimated just how mistrusted Kennedy is by the mainstream media ‘over there’; more than Sanders ever was. Indeed, the four-decades-long antipathy to someone perceived as ‘flaky’ mirrors that of the UK media towards Corbyn. Kennedy has been considered something of a crank; the black sheep of a family that, according to reports, has also distanced themselves from him since the publication of his two recent books on COVID: The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health (2022) and The Wuhan Cover-Up: How US Health Officials Conspired with the Chinese Military to Hide the Origins of COVID-19 (2023).

  Yet, I would argue it is the mainstream media’s very covert protectionism surrounding this subject that has chimed as suspicious, as much with the working-class Republican voter as with the Democrat. Whatever its credibility, it is this issue, since 2020, allied to his familial backstory, that has given Kennedy a messaging advantage Sanders never enjoyed. Amongst the voters of both parties, there is far more suspicion of the pharmecutical industry than in the UK. The American working-class – consigned to private healthcare and a disgusting minimum wage of $7.50 (£5.81) per hour – has had sold back to them that they had an access to social services equivalent to that of the middle-class who’d set the lockdown rules.

   Another PR self-inflicted wound by the Dem leadership has been their dismissing the idea of the once mandatory ‘live’ TV debates ahead of the General, clearly afraid that Biden’s cognitive malfunctioning would be too clearly on show, over an extended period.

Kennedy is no antidote to America’s problems, being too much of an adherent to the very Establishment he critiques. Equally, long-perceived as a ‘loose cannon’ by the MSM might, today, be to his advantage; just enough to open minds – across the country – for him to outrun that critique and be considered by both intransigent sides, disillusioned enough for any way out of the current political stitch-up. Even when, prioritising his career, Kennedy sells-out to the Democratic leadership, his message of mistrust, from within Washington, of the Military Industrial Complex and ‘Big Pharma,’ may well leave a more positive legacy in the minds of once unengaged sections of both parties voters.

  Since announcing his candidacy, Cornel West – Socialist philosopher and political activist, couched in his Baptist upbringing – has now announced his own, crucially standing as a third party independent under The Green Party’s banner. Notably, he has also advocated the disbanding of NATO; a move, for one with his public profile, that singularly reaches beyond the confines of Kennedy’s well-meaning, but compromised, narratives. Only time will tell if the paradigm is beginning to fundamentally shift in tandem.

By Ian Donovan

The Ukraine war has been many years in the making. Its origins are in the incomplete nature of the counterrevolution that took hold in the USSR, and most centrally Russia, in August 1991. Though it tore apart the USSR and fractured the apparatus whose main function for decades had been to maintain state ownership of the main means of production, it did not result in the dismemberment and destruction of the Russian Federation, the central component of the USSR. Fracturing the state is not the same as obliterating its administrative components. Many important elements survived, albeit in some cases under different titles. But in many cases, they preserved attitudes to property and the various components and classes of Russian society that that were simply customary and had been for many decades, almost as an automatic reflex.

This is the context for the paradox of today’s new Cold War. The driving force of the original Cold War was class antagonism and class struggle: in 1917, driven beyond endurance by the first imperialist World War, the working class of the Russian Empire, supported by the poor peasantry in and out of army uniform, took power as a class and began the task of abolishing capitalism. The revolutionary wave that this was part of, despite convulsing much of Europe, was only victorious in Russia. And that was after fighting off invasion by 13 foreign, mainly imperialist armies – attempted counterrevolution from without in league with the executed Tsar’s ‘White Guard’ general staff. The revolution, in huge, but economically backward Russia, was thus left isolated and prey to a degeneration that caused the proletariat to lose any real control of the state created by the revolution, that consolidated a privileged layer of labour bureaucrats over the working class in power. The material problem is simply that while advanced imperialist capitalism holds sway over the bulk of the globe, an isolated workers revolution, particularly in a backward country, is at a material disadvantage and despite the proletariat being in power, it suffers oppression and material deprivation from the economic siege conditions.

The only solution to this is the world revolution and the overthrow of the bourgeoisie in those oppressing advanced countries, to break the siege. Economic and military siege of a workers’ state is a crucial weapon of imperialism against such states, short of outright military invasion. If the revolution is too long delayed, capitalist restoration begins, in a molecular manner. First with the crystallisation of privileged layers that begin to advocate conciliation with the class enemy, rationalising national isolation into a ‘theory’ that socialism can be built within national borders, abandoning the world revolution as an aim. It continues with the formal dissolution of international organisations, and the gradual, further crystallisation out of the original labour bureaucracy of more overtly bourgeois layers. These agitate politically for ‘market socialism’ and the like, and gradually eat away at the economic planning that the revolution created, seeking a greater economic ‘freedom’, in reality to make money, while exploiting the often-repressive nature of the original labour bureaucracy to demand greater political freedom for bourgeois currents particularly.

This kind of molecular preparation for capitalist restoration took several decades in the USSR. Because of the deep social roots among the masses that the revolution dug, it could only crystallise very slowly. While this was crystallising the USSR, under bureaucratic leadership of this type, fought off the gargantuan imperialist attack of 1941 from Nazi Germany, and then endured the decades-long military and economic blockade of US imperialism, expressed through NATO since 1949. But the health of the world revolution depends on the working class organised politically on an international, i.e., global scale, led by its most class-conscious and clear-thinking political vanguard. Once that is lost, if it is not regained by the conscious action of the masses, capitalist restoration at the hands of the various privileged layers analysed above becomes virtually inevitable.

Thus, there were no politically authoritative forces able to stand up for the USSR in August 1991: only a decrepit remnant of the earlier bureaucratic regime attempted to preserve it against the rampant privateers lined up behind Gorbachev and especially Yeltsin. They were a feeble bunch indeed and when their three-day coup effort failed, the USSR was seemingly rapidly swept away as Yeltsin, the former head of the Moscow Communist Party, took control of Russia and rapidly dissolved the central state, embarking on a massive privatisation exercise and an economic ‘shock treatment’ that forced millions of people into starvation, despair and death as their living standards were rapidly destroyed. Life expectancy fell by around 5 years under Gorbachev and Yeltsin in the early 1990s, something that was only matched in peacetime during the 20^th Century by Stalin’s panicked forcible collectivisation of agriculture in the aftermath of the 1929 Kulak revolt (after the bureaucracy, in its own earlier marketising phase, had encouraged the wealthier Soviet peasant layers to “enrich yourselves”). Both events killed several millions. But only the Stalinist famine is exploited by imperialism and its agents to blame ‘communism’; the economic massacre under Yeltsin had the wholehearted approval of the Western bourgeoisies and indeed, Putin is loathed by them precisely for his efforts to reverse a number of Yeltsin’s crimes against the peoples of the former USSR.

The New Cold War: After the Counterrevolution

There is a huge problem with capitalist restoration in countries where for several decades capitalism did not exist, and some element of economic planning took its place. This is clear now, as a new Cold War has begun. In the earlier Cold War, the ideology of ‘Socialism in one country’ led to the perverse situation that giant deformed workers’ states such as the USSR and China were on opposite sides of the geopolitical conflict. From the early 1970s until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, ‘Communist’ China was an ally of US imperialism against the USSR. It fought overtly and covertly against the USSR and its allies in several wars: it invaded Vietnam in 1979 as ‘punishment’ for Vietnam’s 1978 armed overthrow of the most brutally irrational of all the Stalinist regimes – Pol Pot’s ‘Democratic Kampuchea’ (Cambodia). It armed and funded, in alliance with the US and Britain, the Khmer Rouge when they effectively became counterrevolutionary warriors against the pro-Vietnamese Hun Sen government in Cambodia through the 1980s. China funded the counterrevolutionary Islamist mujahedin in Afghanistan though the 1980s in their US-backed war against the USSR and its left nationalist allies of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDPA), whose defeat played an important role in the destruction of the USSR. China funded anti-Soviet, anti-Cuban allies of the apartheid regime in South Africa such as Renamo in Mozambique and UNITA in Angola, against Soviet and Cuban allied post-colonial left populist governments such as FRELIMO (Mozambique) and the MPLA (Angola). This is when the state ideology of China was much more overtly ‘communist’ in colouration, as opposed to today when the whole world knows of the powerful capitalist sector that plays a major role in China.

A form of capitalist restoration took place in China in the early 1990s, from above through a large bourgeois layer, the product of prolonged bureaucratic marketisation beginning around 1979, and proceeding for several decades, gaining sufficient power in the state to absorb key elements of the ruling Communist Party itself. Even Xi Jinping, the current Supreme Leader of the Chinese Communist Party, is part of this billionaire capitalist class which had its genesis within the Stalinist regime and has some markedly different features to the capitalist norm, particularly as seen in the imperialist countries where state power is clearly a tool of corporate power. In China, to a degree, state power overlaps with corporate power in a novel manner that is somewhat unprecedented.

Both Russia and China are thus forms of hybrid societies, where capitalism is very powerful and yet the state power contains much that is left over from the decades when the dominant form of property was state ownership and economic planning. Not socialism, but societies where the forms of property were those corresponding to the rule of the working class and can be said to be part of what should be the transition to socialism. Socialism, or the lower phase of communism, being defined as a society where class-based social antagonisms no longer exist, though the horizon of what Marx called ‘bourgeois right’ has not yet been crossed. Social and economic inequality persists under socialism not between classes as such, but between different sections of the associated producers themselves, simply because social production has not reached the level of abundance for all as to make formal inequality irrelevant. There will be some functions until that point that will require greater material renumeration simply because without that they will not get done. As work becomes more social and rewarding in its own terms it is likely that these will be the most unpleasant and/or dangerous tasks. At a greater level of material-productive and social wealth such considerations will become increasingly irrelevant, and society will cross the horizon of ‘bourgeois right’ to actual communism, the ‘higher stage’. That however is a process that takes time. And neither the USSR nor ‘Red’ China ever achieved even the lower stage of communism (‘socialism’) as defined by Marx, let alone the higher stage.

Limits to Counterrevolution; Further Revolutionary Possibilities

When history rolls backwards though counterrevolution, it rarely manages to do completely. The French revolution that began in 1789 was the greatest of the social revolutions that brought the bourgeoisie to power and overthrew the feudal system of property and production that preceded capitalism in Europe. In terms of its impact in providing the impetus to the overthrow of local forms of feudalism and initially at least, to democracy through Europe, it was one of the greatest events in history. The radical-democratic phase of the revolution under the historic leaders of the Jacobin party, Robespierre, Danton and Saint-Just, where the French aristocracy was basically wiped out by the stern measure of the guillotine, was succeeded by Thermidor, the seizure of power by a more conservative faction, and then the bourgeois Empire of Napoleon Bonaparte. But Napoleon, though his rule decisively ended the radical phase of the revolution at home, nevertheless exported the bourgeois anti-feudal revolution throughout much of Europe, almost all the way to Moscow. Even after the final defeat of Napoleon, the feudal order in Europe was damaged beyond repair. In the succeeding century, all the feudal absolutisms, including Prussia and Tsarist Russia, were forced to introduce capitalist social-revolutionary measures from above to try to prevent them being forced on them from below, as in revolutionary France.

The final defeat of Napoleon in 1815 led to an attempt to restore the old French Bourbon monarchy. Louis XVIII and his successor Charles X were unable to simply restore feudalism and absolutism. The old regime in France was irreparable, and as the history of the 19^th Century proved, so was the feudal order in the whole of Europe, which was convulsed by revolution after revolution, from above and below, right through the 19^th Century. Out of such bourgeois-revolutionary events the working-class movement itself took shape and began to act as an independent class force in its own right, with bourgeois revolutions interlacing with proletarian class struggles to an increasing extent throughout the 19^th Century, reaching an initial high point with the Paris Commune: the first short-lived attempt to create a workers’ state in history. This occurred at the end of the 1870-71 Franco-Prussian war, which was in effect the culmination of the bourgeois revolution (from above) that unified Germany and created it as a capitalist great power.

The culmination of this process took place in Russia, where the bourgeois revolution, centring on the agrarian question and the emancipation of the overwhelmingly peasant population of the pre-capitalist Russian Empire, was carried out by the proletariat in power. That proletariat that had been created by the transplantation of capitalist technique by the Tsarist state in a desperate struggle to compete with the European capitalist-imperialist powers culminating in the First World War.

This interlacing of the bourgeois and proletarian revolutions had fateful consequences for the proletarian revolution in the 20^th Century, which still impacts us today. Russia was a state where imperialist monopoly capitalism had been grafted from above upon a still overwhelmingly agrarian country where pre-capitalist relations predominated in the vast countryside. As Trotsky pointed out in Results and Prospects (1906), the only way that the essential tasks of the bourgeois revolution could be carried out was through the seizure of power by the proletariat and the expropriation of the weakest of the great-power bourgeoisies, whose whole existence was bound up with the Tsarist regime. This perspective was carried out in October 1917 by the Bolsheviks, as theorised by Lenin in the April Theses, which replicated the conclusions of Results and Prospects and led directly to the seizure of power by the proletariat, with support from the peasantry who saw the proletariat as its emancipator. But this took place in the context of the imperialist war which convulsed Europe and drove the proletariat to revolt in many countries from the immense suffering of the war.

It was this unique interlacing of the proletarian revolution with the bourgeois in Russian conditions, and the programmatic debates that surrounded how to deal with it, which gave an impetus to the creation of a party that could combine the two sets of revolutionary tasks. This inevitably led to a politics that was considerably different from the debates and political perspectives of the working-class parties in the main protagonists: Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and latterly Italy, Japan and the United States. In these advanced imperialist nations, the social-democratic trends that dominated the proletariat were imperceptibly seduced by the material benefits of imperialism into support for their ‘own’ ruling classes in the war, and internationalists were marginalised by the social imperialists.

In Russia, the overriding necessity to overthrow the infant, weak Russian imperialism in order to settle accounts with Tsarism and its social tyranny over the workers and peasants, once the programmatic complexities of this situation were resolved in 1917, propelled the most radical and revolutionary social democratic/communist party in Europe to the head of the Russian masses to seize working-class state power. This gave a major impetus to the revolution of the European proletariat in a situation where the pro-imperialist backwardness of the proletarian movement in imperialist Europe could not have been more in contrast with the Russian party. The pro-imperialist bourgeois labour parties in all Europe shepherded millions of workers into the inter-imperialist slaughter.  In the US there was no real workers party at all. The cleaving of the subjective factor along these lines was a devastating reality, and the failure to overcome it led to the defeat of the European revolutionary wave and the tragic isolation of the Russian revolution in the face of imperialism which managed to remain in the saddle despite the huge upheaval, destruction and carnage of the imperialist war.

In the midst of the revolutionary wave, which occurred as a result of the mass slaughter of the imperialist war despite the betrayal of the social-imperialists, the Communist (Third) International was formed. Its purpose was to defeat the social-imperialists and replace them with genuine mass parties of the working class whose programme was the social revolution on an international scale. Unfortunately, while the revolutionary wave was at its height, despite major gains made in formerly belligerent countries by the communist parties, the social democracy proved too strong to be simply pushed aside by new parties in the immediate sense. The revolutionary wave caused by the huge carnage of the war was victorious only in Russia.

The enormous strength of the revolution enabled the newly-founded Red Army to defeat the counterrevolutionary White Guards between 1918 and 1921. In the process they had to fight off an invasion of 13 mainly imperialist armies, right across the length and breadth of Russia from Europe to the Far East. Yet nowhere else did the young Communist Parties manage to take power. This isolation of the revolution created a new situation previously unknown in history and not fully foreseen by the earlier classical Marxists.  The proletariat was in power in a materially backward country, surrounded by more advanced, more productive and ultimately more powerful capitalist-imperialist states. This situation meant that the proletariat, in power for the first time but isolated, was subjected to a new form of oppression by its state power, simply by virtue of the oppressive material circumstances of material deprivation, blockade and encirclement.  Over a period of several years, this oppression led to the atrophying of the direct organs of working-class rule, the soviets, and the crystallisation of a privileged labour bureaucracy in the workers’ state. In turn that gave rise, in the next generations as it turned out, to an aspiring capitalist class that inevitably would come to overthrow the workers state if the workers failed to stop it.

Does capitalist restoration happen ‘automatically’?

All this raises some difficult questions about Russia today, about the nature of capitalist restoration, and the prospects for both the anti-imperialist struggle and the world revolution itself, now that capitalism was restored in Russia in the 1990s, was apparently consolidated, and yet imperialism has resumed its war drive against ex-Soviet Russia with a vengeance that resembles the Cold War against the USSR when it was a workers state. Why should this be if capitalist restoration has happened in Russia? What is the meaning of the current geopolitical conflict between Russia, China and the West? And what is the likely outcome, in the event of a defeat of the NATO powers? Is the concept of the Multipolar World, which has been theorised as a possible outcome of Russia’s conflicts with the West, possible or a desirable goal for the international working class?

The essay by Leon Trotsky titled Not a Workers and Not a Bourgeois State, is an important supplement to Trotsky’s major work on the degeneration of the Russian Revolution, The Revolution Betrayed (1936), which defined the USSR under Stalinist rule as a bureaucratically degenerated workers’ state. It was a preliminary response mainly to Max Shachtman, who had begun to question the proletarian nature of the USSR and later would lead a struggle that would split the US Trotskyist movement and cause major divisions in the movement elsewhere.

Not a Workers and Not a Bourgeois State was written in 1937 and began to at least hint at addressing some questions of future development that were slightly beyond the scope of the Revolution Betrayed. It made some important points about the similarity of the relationship of an economically backward and isolated workers state with imperialism, and those of semi-colonial, formally independent, capitalist countries, with the same imperialism. It is worth quoting from Trotsky’s essay because it does cast some light both on the likely path of capitalist restoration in such a situation, and implicitly the likely aftermath:

“The proletariat of the USSR is the ruling class in a backward country where there is still a lack of the most vital necessities of life. The proletariat of the USSR rules in a land consisting of only one-twelfth part of humanity; imperialism rules over the remaining eleven-twelfths. The rule of the proletariat, already maimed by the backwardness and poverty of the country, is doubly and triply deformed under the pressure of world imperialism. The organ of the rule of the proletariat – the state – becomes an organ for pressure from imperialism (diplomacy, army, foreign trade, ideas, and customs). The struggle for domination, considered on a historical scale, is not between the proletariat and the bureaucracy, but between the proletariat and the world bourgeoisie… For the bourgeoisie – fascist as well as democratic – isolated counter-revolutionary exploits … do not suffice; it needs a complete counter-revolution in the relations of property and the opening of the Russian market. So long as this is not the case, the bourgeoisie considers the Soviet state hostile to it. And it is right.

“The internal regime in the colonial and semicolonial countries has a predominantly bourgeois character. But the pressure of foreign imperialism so alters and distorts the economic and political structure of these countries that the national bourgeoisie (even in the politically independent countries of South America) only partly reaches the height of a ruling class. The pressure of imperialism on backward countries does not, it is true, change their basic social character since the oppressor and oppressed represent only different levels of development in one and the same bourgeois society. Nevertheless the difference between England and India, Japan and China, the United States and Mexico is so big that we strictly differentiate between oppressor and oppressed bourgeois countries and we consider it our duty to support the latter against the former. The bourgeoisie of colonial and semi-colonial countries is a semi-ruling, semi-oppressed class.

“The pressure of imperialism on the Soviet Union has as its aim the alteration of the very nature of Soviet society… By this token the rule of the proletariat assumes an abridged, curbed, distorted character. One can with full justification say that the proletariat, ruling in one backward and isolated country, still remains an oppressed class. The source of oppression is world imperialism; the mechanism of transmission of the oppression – the bureaucracy. If in the words ‘a ruling and at the same time an oppressed class’ there is a contradiction, then it flows not from the mistakes of thought but from the contradiction in the very situation in the USSR. It is precisely because of this that we reject the theory of socialism in one country.”

25 Nov 1937, https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/11/wstate.htm

The juxtaposition of the situation of the semi-colonial capitalist ruling classes, with that of the proletariat in power in a backward and isolated workers state, is highly suggestive of what Trotsky considered likely to happen if the proletariat were to lose power as a class. In a situation where the proletariat even in power was oppressed by imperialist encirclement and backwardness, it is obvious that any bourgeois regime that were to replace it would face the same material conditions, and would likewise be a “semi-ruling, semi-oppressed class”, subject to imperialism. That basic Marxist supposition, implicit in the above passage though not explicitly spelled out is of enormous importance today in understanding not only Russia but also China, and likely other former workers states such as Vietnam which have (so far) not played a major role in the current developing new Cold War between imperialism and the giant former bureaucratically ruled workers states.

What we are actually faced with is the aftermath of the counterrevolution in the USSR. Trotsky also had some useful observations about the course of counterrevolution, actual and likely, in the context of both the French (bourgeois) and Russian (proletarian) revolutions in an earlier (1935) piece, The Workers State, Thermidor and Bonapartism. Talking directly about the French revolution, he wrote:

“After the profound democratic revolution, which liberates the peasants from serfdom and gives them land, the feudal counterrevolution is generally impossible. The overthrown monarchy may reestablish itself in power and surround itself with medieval phantoms. But it is already powerless to reestablish the economy of feudalism. Once liberated from the fetters of feudalism, bourgeois relations develop automatically. They can be checked by no external force; they must themselves dig their own grave, having previously created their own gravedigger. “

https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1935/02/ws-therm-bon.htm

He contrasts that with what would be likely in the event of the collapse of the Stalinist regime and the Russian revolution with it:

“It is altogether otherwise with the development of socialist relations. The proletarian revolution not only frees the productive forces from the fetters of private ownership but also transfers them to the direct disposal of the state that it itself creates. While the bourgeois state, after the revolution, confines itself to a police role, leaving the market to its own laws, the workers’ state assumes the direct role of economist and organizer. The replacement of one political regime by another exerts only an indirect and superficial influence upon market economy. On the contrary, the replacement of a workers’ government by a bourgeois or petty-bourgeois government would inevitably lead to the liquidation of the planned beginnings and, subsequently, to the restoration of private property. In contradistinction to capitalism, socialism is built not automatically but consciously…”

“October 1917 completed the democratic revolution and initiated the socialist revolution. No force in the world can turn back the agrarian-democratic overturn in Russia; in this we have a complete analogy with the Jacobin revolution. But a kolkhoz overturn is a threat that retains its full force, and with it is threatened the nationalization of the means of production. Political counterrevolution, even were it to recede back to the Romanov dynasty, could not reestablish feudal ownership of land. But the restoration to power of a Menshevik and Social Revolutionary bloc would suffice to obliterate the socialist construction.”

ibid

But what has actually happened is more complex. We have had something roughly akin to “the replacement of a workers’ government by a bourgeois or petty-bourgeois government … ” and “….the restoration of private property” in Russia since the 1991 collapse of the USSR. In China, we have had policies carried out for decades – abolition of Kolkhoz (collective farming) and the naked encouragement of capitalist enrichment both rural and urban — under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party – that Trotsky considered would lead to the rapid collapse of the Soviet Union into a kulak-led counterrevolution in the late 1920s. By the standards of the struggle of the Left Opposition against the Stalin-Bukharin bloc and its Neo-NEP – it is inconceivable that the regime of the Chinese Communist Party, with its numerous billionaire capitalists whose influence penetrates to the very top of the CCP regime, could be described today as a workers’ state. It is evident that China today is something fundamentally different from the old CCP regime under Mao, and that state power today is used to defend and promote the capitalist development of China, not to suppress it.

 And yet far from stabilising world capitalism under the rule of the imperialist bourgeoisie, we now have a considerable level of unity in defensive struggle of the two giant former workers states of Russia and China, against US/led NATO imperialism, which grows more and more hysterical every day. It is worth recalling Trotsky’s remarks above that:

For the bourgeoisie … isolated counter-revolutionary exploits … do not suffice; it needs a complete counter-revolution in the relations of property and the opening of the Russian market. So long as this is not the case, the bourgeoisie considers the Soviet state hostile to it ….”

This appears to have been only part of the story. Just as with anticipations and theorisations by Marxists of what might happen if a workers revolution triumphed in a backward country, the theorisations of what would happen if such revolutions were subsequently defeated, by even the best Marxist theoreticians, including most notably Trotsky himself, have proven inadequate for the task. “Theory is grey, but green is the tree of life” is an old saying, but that does not mean that anyone should dismiss Marxist theory in some cavalier and philistine fashion. Theory is a guide to action. But such is the profundity and complexity of world-historic events, when they emerge, that they invariably cause a crisis in existing theories, a need to re-examine, correct and deepen existing theory to provide an updated guide to action for a new period.

It does appear that Trotsky was correct to say, of the bourgeois revolution, that “once liberated from the fetters of feudalism, bourgeois relations develop automatically” (see earlier). However, that automaticity does not transfer mechanically to a situation where it is not feudalism that is overthrown by capitalism, but a workers’ state, however degenerated, based on socialised property.

The restoration “to power” of something rather similar to “a Menshevik and Social Revolutionary bloc” took place in the 1990s in a number of bureaucratically ruled workers states, but it does not seem to have been simply able to completely “obliterate the socialist construction”. When degenerated and deformed workers states have been overthrown by pro-capitalist forces, it has not been the case, unlike with feudalism, that “bourgeois relations develop automatically”. What we have in fact seen is that the kind of “bourgeois relations” that have developed have been highly problematic and have in fact given rise to hybrid forms of society that the imperialist bourgeoisie does not have confidence in at all. States have emerged that still contain enough modifications of those features of capitalism as a system that the imperialists consider vital and non-negotiable, that the same imperialists fear that capitalism has not been sustainably restored at all, and these societies could flip back to some sort of socialist construction as easily as 19^th Century France did to bourgeois-revolutionary upheavals after the defeat of Napoleon, with its supplementary revolutions in 1830, 1848 – which convulsed the whole of Europe – and 1871 – which gave rise to the Paris Commune, the first attempt in history to create a workers state.

‘Deviant’ Counterrevolutions and Imperialist Hysteria

What seems to have come into existence in those workers states where indigenous social revolutions were once victorious and defeated many decades later, are hybrid states where capitalist relations are modified in significant ways, and those states do not function either as copies of the imperialist states, or as semi-colonial vassal states. Neither Russia nor China fit into either category. As opposed to passively produced ‘satellite states’ like most in East Europe, which have generally become satellites/vassals of Western imperialism.

The deadly imperialist shock treatment  in Russia under Yeltsin in the 1990s produced such a huge popular backlash that within the state machine itself, a nemesis was generated, personified by Putin, that rolled back many of the attacks, and though it did not restore the status quo ante, produced a variant of a social-democratic ‘mixed economy’ with considerable concessions to the welfare of the masses, whose genesis is arguably pretty unique. In a ‘pure’ capitalist state, it would take the threat of revolution itself to produce such concessions which would always be under threat. In post-Soviet Russia, the state apparatus itself, heavily marked by its origin in a workers’ state, responded to mass popular sentiment without such upheavals.

Something analogous seems to have happened in China, but with some important differences also. One key difference being that in China initially the capitalist-restorationist programme was carried out from above, without the kind of all out economic war on, and carnage of, the working-class population that happened in the former USSR. Another key difference is that China actually benefitted from Western neoliberalism in that it became a key repository of ‘outsourcing’ – job migration — from Western imperialist countries, whose capitalist rulers saw China’s cheap but highly-educated working class in the context of apparent capitalist restoration as an opportunity for a massively enhanced rate of profit relative to what was possible in the imperialist countries themselves. China was not the only country that acted as the recipient of such outsourcing, but its state apparatus, which also had its origin in an era of state economic planning, was able to make use of it to embark on its own massive industrialisation. As a result, China has become today’s “workshop of the world” in a manner reminiscent of Britain during the 19^th Century Industrial Revolution, but on far vaster scale.

The real driving force of Western Russophobia is not the supposed ‘authoritarianism’ of Russia’s political regime, but anger at the political clout that the Russian masses still hold within what used to be their state. Hatred of the Russian people themselves is a key element of today’s Western Russophobia, which resembles Nazi hatred of the Jews for their supposedly inherent ‘Bolshevism’.  Likewise, today’s Sinophobia is the rage of imperialism at the seemingly unexpected industrial development of China. This was not supposed to happen – China was supposed to be a mere source of profit, not a major industrial adversary able to threaten US hegemony. And Russia and China together are an even more potent countervailing force to the hegemony of the imperialist powers which has persisted since the late 19^th Century at least.

So, what is at the root of this paradox? One hint of an answer can be found in a formulation in Engels’ 1880 work Socialism Utopian and Scientific, where he makes the following point about the tendency of capitalism towards the generation of trusts and monopolies:

“In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very opposite — into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan of capitalistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite plan of the invading socialistic society. Certainly, this is so far still to the benefit and advantage of the capitalists. But, in this case, the exploitation is so palpable, that it must break down. No nation will put up with production conducted by trusts, with so barefaced an exploitation of the community by a small band of dividend-mongers.

https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1880/soc-utop/ch03.htm, emphasis added

This formulation, about the ‘invading socialistic society”, stems from the basic idea of Marxism, held in common by Marx and Engels, that “socialism” or “communism” which they considered as two manifestations of the same thing (‘lower’ and ‘higher’) represented a superior mode of production to capitalism:

“Development of the productive forces of social labour is the historic task and justification of capital. This is just the way in which it unconsciously creates the material requirements of a higher mode of production.”

Capital, Vol. 3, Moscow, 1966, Chap. 15, p. 259

Much of Trotsky’s polemic against the Stalinists in the 20s and 30s was against the theory of socialism in one country, the notion that it was possible to build a complete socialist mode of production in a society qualitatively more backward than the far stronger capitalist-imperialist powers that encircled it. That critique retains its full relevance and potency. But then again, Trotsky also noted that despite this, the reactionary course of the Stalinist regime “… has not yet touched the economic foundations of the state created by the revolution which, despite all the deformation and distortion, assure an unprecedented development of the productive forces.” (Once Again: The USSR and Its Defence, https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/11/ussr.htm)

Engels considered that the socialist mode of production, which was completely in the future in 1880 when he wrote Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, had the ability to ‘invade’ contemporary capitalism, and as a kind of unconscious expression of the historical process, affect the development of the same capitalism to (in some ways) anticipate future developments that would come to fruition under a higher mode of production. This is only an expression of the basic Marxist concept that Socialism: Utopian and Scientific expresses — the objective tendency of social development toward socialism:

“The new productive forces have already outgrown the capitalistic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive forces and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the mind of man, like that between original sin and divine justice. It exists, in fact, objectively, outside us, independently of the will and actions even of the men that have brought it on. Modern Socialism is nothing but the reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact…”

Engels op-cit

The point being that the process of capitalist restoration, the destruction of a long-established workers state, cannot be ‘automatic’ in the manner in which capitalism is able to do away with feudalism. The existence of a workers’ state, however deformed or degenerated, means that that state has already begun the transition to a higher mode of production, communism. Even if the transition is blocked by social backwardness, imperialist encirclement and the monopoly of power of a bureaucracy that opposes and attempts to sabotage the world revolution and thereby the completion of the transition, the transition has begun. The train has left the station, even if it is stalled only a few hundred yards down a track that is many miles long. It is extremely heavy, and still very difficult to simply drag back to its starting point and beyond.

So, what we have in both Russia and China are forms of society where capitalism appears to have been restored, and yet the “invading socialist society”, has modified and blocked the transition backwards. The previous regimes began some kind of transition to the communist mode of production, even though it was sabotaged and blocked by those same regimes, and the existence of those partial gains have proven much more difficult to destroy than previously anticipated, including by the Trotskyist movement in their fragmentary attempts to address what would happen if capitalism were to be restored. This substantially modifies the capitalism of Russia and China and has produced anomalous hybrids, which are not imperialist themselves (why would they be, the former workers’ states did not operate on a capitalist basis at all, let alone a predatory, monopoly capitalist basis?).

The hybrids can be of heterogenous types, depending on the specifics of their history and origins, and there is no pre-ordained ideological banner which is imperative for their ruling political trends to necessarily uphold. Though China is ruled by the Communist Party, whose ideology is a capitalist bastardisation of what was Stalinist ‘Communism’ but really isn’t anymore, Russia is ruled by the centre-right bourgeois (sui-generis) Orthodox Christian President Vladimir Putin, leader of the hegemonic and highly popular ‘United Russia’ party whose authority stems largely from economic programme and practice, which have tangibly and arguably hugely benefited most Russians since the end of Yeltsin’s carnage.

Putin is a kind of a mild Bonapartist who balances between forces to his left and to his right. To his left is the main opposition, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF), the former Stalinist Party which has many subjective communists among its base but has not determined as yet what it really stands for. To his right is the broadly ‘Eurasian’ trend most prominently led by the philosopher Alexander Dugin, who many in the West dub as a fascist, a Russian nationalist, a great Russian imperialist, etc. This kind of demonisation was used to justify the August 2022 murder of his daughter, political scientist and journalist Dariya Dugina, probably by Ukrainian Nazi terrorists in partnership with Western intelligence agencies, who are engaged in an ongoing campaign of murder and terrorism against public supporters of Russia’s resistance to the West’s proxy war in Ukraine. Their objective was Dugin himself, not his daughter, but they got it wrong.

A close examination of Dugin’s politics reveals that he is opposed to ethnic nationalism, rejects the whole concept of the nation-state explicitly in theory, and actually looking back at history has managed to construct an ‘Orthodox Christian’ rationale for critical support for Lenin and Trotsky’s Bolshevik Party forces in the 1918-21 Civil War against the mainly Christian Orthodox White Guard forces, whom he very perceptively dismisses as tools of Anglo-American imperialism and therefore enslavers of the Russian people (as elaborated in his 1997 work Foundations of Geopolitics). Thus Dugin, the ‘right-wing’ pressure on Putin, is revealed as a hybrid, and a perfect illustrator of the hybrid nature of the state. A supposed ‘fascist’ who argues for critical support for Bolshevism, whereas actual fascists, like Hitler and Mussolini, were driven by the most virulent hatred for Bolshevism. 

Dugin is demonised as some sort of Nazi by the Western powers who support Nazis, which goes hand-in-hand with depictions of Putin as a Hitler figure in the reactionary media. Dugin is supposed to be “Putin’s Brain” in this preposterous alleged Hitler-like endeavour. Anyone would think that Dugin therefore is an advocate of Russian world domination, or something. But no: Dugin is also the author of a 2021 book titled ‘The Theory of the Multipolar World’ which far from advocating anyone’s world domination, calls for a voluntary collaboration of a variety of ‘civilisations’ to ensure no one is able to exercise world domination (or ‘full spectrum dominance’ as the US neocons put it – they really do want world hegemony/domination). Dugin rejects nation states, and he has a schema where these ‘civilisations’ – one centred around Orthodox Christian Russia – are part of this collaborative multipolarity. He does indeed want a strengthened and more broadly influential Russian-centred ‘civilisation’ to play an influential role in the world, and some of his ideas and proposals are deeply at odds with Marxism and the perspective of human liberation, but this is very far from the Russophobic depiction. He is subjectively hostile to Western imperialism, though in a way rather similar (mutatis mutandis) to the sentiments that drive militant Shia clerics in Iran or Lebanon, not anything resembling Nazism at all. Dugin’s politics and literature require a level of analysis that is beyond the scope of this article and will have to wait. This only scratches the surface.

These hybrid post-Stalinist states have proven capable, because of the enormous productive gains (and military developments) that were made without capitalism, of defying imperialist capitalism far more effectively than any rebellious semi-colonies. Instead, as the imperialists have declared a cautious but accelerating new Cold War against them (with ‘hot’ elements, like Ukraine) they have proven capable of leading semi-colonial, capitalist countries, long forced into dependence and vassalage to the imperialists, in revolt against imperialist hegemony.

Revolt of the Victims of Today’s Imperialism

We have effectively a revolt by numerous semi-colonies against US imperialist hegemony of an economic and political nature, under the banner of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and also the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). These bodies overlap, though the SCO is specifically Eurasian, whereas BRICS is worldwide. Despite the imperialist war drive and economic sanctions against Russia, and the threat of ‘sanctions’ against any country outside the imperialist ‘club’ who does not join in the sanctions. 20 countries have applied to join BRICS, including Argentina, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran, Indonesia, and many more. BRICS before their joining encompassed 40% of humanity … the accession of the hopeful newcomers would undoubtedly encompass a majority.

BRICS has something of the flavour of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) led by Nkrumah, Nasser, Nehru, Sukharno, etc. along with the dissident liberal-Stalinist Tito in the early post-war period. Although it still formally exists, its influence is very diminished. The NAM aimed to manoeuvre between the US and the Soviet bloc in the Cold War, understanding that most semi-colonial countries and their bourgeoisies had major divergences of interest with both. But now there is much more commonality between such countries and Russia and China, most semi-colonial bourgeois states see them as kindred spirits, but more powerful, and having shifted the relationship of forces against imperialist domination in a way that is fairly unproblematic for such bourgeois regimes. Few take China’s verbal ‘communism’ seriously at all and Russia has no such ideological obstacle even formally. So, the main agency of challenge to US hegemony in favour of the multipolar world is BRICS.

There have been some startling indications of changes in the world to the detriment of US imperialist hegemony that have been brought to a head by the Ukraine war. De-dollarisation, the jettisoning of the US Dollar as the habitual currency of which international transactions are made – previously almost irrespective of who is trading with who – has become a major movement. This is a threat to US financial stability and military power, as the US has been for many decades been able to write virtually a blank check for its military based on the earnings received from the dollar being pretty much the dominant currency for international trade. Its worldwide network of military bases is financed through this mechanism. The rise of the Russia-China bloc threatens all that, as BRICS have created their own development bank and are also discussing the creation of a new agreed currency for international transactions.

One startling index of how things are changing is in the Middle East. In deals brokered by Chinese diplomacy, Saudi Arabia and Iran, who have been in a state of bitter antagonism for many years, as most sharply expressed in the war in Yemen, have restored full diplomatic relations, and the Yemen war is apparently winding down. Syria, whose Assad government the US and its allies tried to overthrow in a similar manner to Libya and were stopped from doing so by Syria being given armed backing by Russia, has now been restored to membership of the Arab League after former US clients dropped their antagonism. The US is on the defensive in the Middle East and China has also made demands for a settlement of the Israel-Palestine question, which is certain to prove much more difficult because of the problem of the overlap of Israel’s ruling class with that of Western countries – the material basis of the very powerful Israel lobby.

But the broader question is whether this concept of a multipolar world is somehow an antidote to imperialist capitalism. And the answer has to be one of deep scepticism towards that. Capitalist development has created an exclusive club of monopoly capitalist powers that basically have enriched themselves massively at the expense of the bulk of the world’s population for a century and a half, with a couple of centuries of preparation before that through mercantilism and primitive accumulation of wealth through such means as a revived chattel slavery on an industrial scale, which was only done away with when it became an obstacle to capitalist development. The problem is that a multi-polar world does not do away with those powers, who will inevitably fight back in some way, either jointly or separately. US hegemony is not the only possible form, and the NATO that is the current expression of imperialist domination. It is worth recalling that between the two world wars there was no undisputed imperialist hegemon – that role was contested between Germany, Britain and the United States and the resulting armed dispute plunged the whole world into war. Such a development in the future could destroy humanity itself.

Imperialism is coherent in its socio-economic objectives, even though it can be thrown into disarray by unexpected challenges from other forces. It will not just disappear into a peaceful ‘multipolar world’. The lion will not lie down meekly with its victims for the greater good – for imperialism the majority of humanity are just fodder for exploitation. The problem that they face is a historical crisis – the capitalist system itself declined through the decline in profit rates in the advanced countries to the point that only outsourcing, overseas cheap labour schemes and industrial-scale financial frauds such as Credit Default Swaps etc. could keep up the rate of profit. That is an inherent contradiction in capitalism itself, as Marx pointed out, and affects all capitalism.

The creation of hybrid capitalist/post-capitalist states like Russia and China, a new form of anomalous non-imperialist capitalism that uses state power to offset the most irrational drives of capital, cannot simply be reproduced. Because it takes the creation of a fundamentally flawed workers state, and then its ruin, to bring such a hybrid into being. And another paradox is that it was the overall strength of the existing imperialist states throughout nearly a century and a half that allowed those same imperialisms to act as an exclusive club and block the development of other capitalist powers into imperialist competitors. So, the only new imperialism that was created in the late 20^th Century, which did not emerge organically, but was transplanted, was Israel.

There is a possibility that a strategic defeat for existing imperialisms by these hybrid states could have the effect of creating the political and economic space for new imperialist states to crystallise. The most developed semi-colonial states that are jumping on the bandwagon of BRICS may well be provided with the means of economic development to the point that they are able to exploit less powerful semi-colonial countries, and thus begin to behave as new imperialisms themselves. That seems a possibility for instance with India and Indonesia, whose rapid economic development is not restricted by any kind of hybrid state inherited from a previous social revolution.

And overarching this is the question of the palpable destruction of the world’s climate by capitalism with its fossil fuel industry, a problem that can only be resolved by an end to the profit motive as the force driving economic development, and its replacement with economic planning on a global level to make it possible to transform the world’s energy generation to use means that do not destroy the environment for human habitation. Which is currently happening, and not slowly.

Even if the wildest dreams of the theorists of the multipolar world are realised, and a new world mechanism of voluntary collaboration between discrete chunks of the planet is able to bring a sustained new rationality to international relations, that will not solve the fundamental problem: humanity will still be afflicted with the contradictions of capitalism. All the different ‘civilisations’ in Alexander Dugin’s ‘multipolar world’ schema are basically built on some form of capitalism, irrespective of ‘culture’, and thus are subject to some or all of these contradictions, even abstractly without the role of the established imperialist capitalist states. The idea that such a configuration could overcome capitalism’s tendency to war and barbarism is indeed utopian reformism.

This contradictory moment in the history of capitalism would never have been possible without the 1917 workers’ and peasants’ socialist revolution in Russia, and then the secondary, derivative but enormous revolution of Mao’s peasant armies in China leading to 1949. It will prove to be fleeting unless the problem pointed out earlier, of the domination of the workers movement particularly in the advanced countries by social-imperialists, at war with those who stand on the revolutionary outlook of the Bolsheviks, is resolved. To resolve it a new Communist International has to be created, with deep roots in the imperialist countries themselves, able to stand up to imperialist pressure and prevail. A successor to the previous attempts of the Third and Fourth Internationals that for diverse reasons have fallen by the wayside. A new regroupment of communists is therefore necessary to create such a movement, otherwise the historic opportunity of this major crisis of imperialism could be lost.